An unexpected argument from the Korean Language Society.

 There are signs that the Gwanghwamun signboard replacement project, which is being promoted by the Cultural Heritage Administration, will turn into a wrong controversy. Some conservative daily newspapers are pushing for a "political conspiracy to erase the traces of Park Jung-hee" over the plan to change the Korean signboard Gwanghwamun written by former President Park Chung-hee to a signboard that collected King Jeongjo's handwriting. On top of that, even Hangeul-related organizations are strongly protesting, raising suspicions of "Chinese character worship." However, this argument itself has a great contradiction. First of all, when restoring Gwanghwamun in 1968, former President Park's writing of a signboard in Korean was a ridiculous behavior that broke the basics of restoring cultural properties called "preservation of original form." This is why the life of cultural properties can exist along with the maintenance of their original form, and cultural property experts are constantly anxious when restoring and repairing cultural properties. If we have to mention political conspiracy, wouldn't it be more appropriate to damage the original form as the most powerful person at the time? What is worrisome is that other signboards whose original form has been damaged due to unreasonable "political conspiracy rumors" will no longer be able to find their appearance. In addition to the Gwanghwamun signboard, former President Park is known to have written quite a few signboards, including the tablet of Hyeonchungsa Temple in Asan, the plaque of Hwaseokjeong in Paju, Gyeonggi-do, and the tablet of Yeonghoru in Andong, Gyeongsangbuk-do. They are all things that need to be restored as cultural properties by utilizing their original form. It sounds strange for Hangeul-related organizations to say "Chinese character worship" over the replacement of signboards. It is only questionable how the "Chinese character worship" can be intervened in finding the original form and changing it to Chinese characters originally written on the signboard. If the original form of the signboard was Korean, of course, it would be written in Korean, and even if it was a third letter, not Korean or Chinese characters, it would have to be found and written. I think it is the prototype of cultural properties. This issue is only a matter of finding the prototype of cultural properties, and should never be turned into a political conspiracy theory or controversy over the use of Korean and Chinese characters. [Kim Young-man column] Former President Park Chung-hee, a politician on the signboard of Gwanghwamun, frustrates many people until his death. Even after 26 years of death, the evaluation of him is still extreme. Those who evaluate material growth are said to be creepy to those who disparage the "Miracle of the Han River." Those who have stamped him as the crush of democratic values simply despise the other side. In other words, the majority of the people side with the dead and complain that their hearts will collapse. Except for the division of the two Koreas, most of the love and affection and bias in our political and economic plates began there, so this is a matter of course the dishes of history. What is embarrassing is that many of these evaluations are made from birth class to experience, so it is difficult to find a point of contact no matter what general standards are presented. Public opinion is also divided over the decision to change the handwritten signboard of former President Park, which was hung in Gwanghwamun even before the ruling party's past settlement began in earnest, to the handwriting of King Jeongjo of Joseon. As experienced for a long time, this also presupposes a ho-oh toward human Park Jeong-hee, so it will be difficult to find a point of contact. What the hero left behind is history, but what the dictator left behind is a unlucky hideous object and subject to liquidation. Even a narrow view of history is cognitive. It is regrettable that disputes without contact will continue as long as the past is a social topic. As far as at least two generations are concerned, the evaluation of former President Park depends on whether she was born under a tiled house or a thatched house. If you go further, it is always parallel depending on whether it is a house worth eating or whether you spent your growth period at a house where eating is a ground task. The direction of experience varies depending on the class of birth, and the evaluation has become flesh-based by aging over a long period of 18 years. Thoughts that have become part of the body are difficult to correct through discussion or education. Therefore, social consensus on former President Park may not be possible until about 10 to 20 years later, when generations with conflicting, flesh-based surveyors deviate from the subject of politics and family. The Yearbook of Education Statistics recorded 54.3% of elementary school students entering middle school in 1965, when the Park Chung-hee era began in earnest. In the case of farming and fishing villages, if they are removed separately, it will be well below 50%. The standard for spending middle school is whether it is a house where basic food is solved. Park Jung-hee is a hero to these people who couldn't even go to middle school and parents who couldn't send her to middle school because they had nothing to eat right away. In the days when it was difficult to buy other people's homes, the evaluation of political leaders who allowed them to go to textile factories with loans or debts so that they could not starve is bound to be higher than any other advanced state's claim. There is not much value that takes precedence over eating full for them. In 1980, the year after former President Park's death, the rate of entering middle schools in Korea rose to 95.8%. On the other hand, in 1965, the rate of enrollment in junior college or higher in Korea was 7-8%. Currently, it is around 90%. There are many people who graduated from college through archaeology. However, classes that do not give meaning to "eat to live" in the past and now send universities. In this class, Park Jung-hee's development dictatorship violated human rights and only widened the gap between the rich and the poor with US subordinate sales capital. Nothing raised their economic and social status. Since rice has always existed since birth, long-term power through torture and tricks is the issue. The question of whether or not rice has been resolved is absurd, childish, and also subject to contempt. Since the nature of the evaluation is based on experience, it is difficult to say right or wrong. Therefore, the Gwanghwamun debate is not right or wrong, but a political issue. Changing the signboard of Gwanghwamun is not a matter of referendum. Just as Park Jung-hee attached Gwanghwamun in Korean as she wished, it would be perfect if the government decided to collect and write Jeongjo's handwriting. However, the reality is that some people's hearts will collapse even with such things. The weary modern history, which allows the spectacles of the dead to dominate both living sides, is devastating.