The Nazi Party, which once seemed to be rising, faced a gradual crisis due to the lack of thought and philosophy, stability of domestic and foreign situations, and the people's neglect. In the midst of that, Hitler was still only looking for a chance to seize attack energy and attack the Republic. Taking advantage of Streze's foreign policy and the explosion of dissatisfaction with the government of the entire nation, Hitler launches large-scale propaganda activities and it imprints the Hakenkreuz flag again in the eyes of people. The Citizens' Right Alliance, which gained power, begins a government attack in the face of Alfred Hugenberg, who has enormous business support, but the new Deutsche National Party, which has no originality, faces a quantitative decline in the boredom of its leader Hugenberg. Hugenberg delivers a message of joining Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party to empower the right-wing movement, where civil weakness is prevalent... The third episode, "The Man Who Runs," led by Hoogenberg, lacked the ability to make the people on their side due to their own weakness and lack of propaganda, so they decided to join Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, who were known as "very rebellious, cheeky, and disobedient." There were many concerns within the Deutsche National Party, but Hugenberg believed that he could control the noisy and low-key agitators at his disposal with the conceit of his success. This came from the conviction that his financial power and media control would be the biggest bait for Hitler's party. He thought he could simply overpower Hitler when the time came. Traditionally, it has fundamentally disliked cooperation with the Republican gang and the Boring Citizen Class, and concerns have also erupted from the Nazi Party and leftists in the party over whether the alliance should accept cooperation with Hugenberg for funds and propaganda organizations. The concerns of Heinlichloshe, a former member of the party's National Assembly, can be seen as a full representation of this atmosphere of concern for the party. "I can't help but want the leader to know how to deal with Hugenberg." But Hitler wasn't the one to move around according to other people's calculations. Basically, he knew in advance who was the most shaken. Contrary to Hugenberg's intention to bow his head like a beggar when he died, he interviewed Hugenberg in a very confident, cheeky, and arrogant manner. He told Hugenberg, "They must act completely independently, we are not subordinate to you, and how to help you is a matter of our own decision." He refused all the terms of joining the other party and did not hide his contempt and hatred for citizens and capitalists during the talks, eventually succeeding in ensuring full independence. Whether it is consideration for the left side of the party or the intention of scratching Hugenberg's heart, Gregor Stracer, the leader of the left side of the party, has been set as the person in charge of managing subsidies from the National Party. However, the civic party clearly misjudged. For Hitler, the tag that follows was the German people who always laughed and ridiculed the vulgarity, coup drivers, and radical leaders, and most of all, turned away from them who had no more image than clubbed uniform thugs, and most certainly was Hitler's party. But the civic rightists wanted to get the energy they had already lost at the end of the war from Hitler's radicality, and they were comforted by accepting Hitler, but as a result, they did nothing short of carrying a bag of narcotic time bombs. As Hitler, he had enormous funds and power of the powerful media, and above all, he gained the halo of socially respected sponsors who would dispel the dark image of the past and took the opportunity to appeal to the people by imitating a decent politician. As it did in the early 1920s, anyway, Hitler's party started a large-scale propaganda with huge funds and media outlets. Large-scale propaganda, rallies, and speeches that have never been seen before were swirled, and a large number of posters were printed and pasted on the walls of the city. The Nazi Party, which was only known in Munich and Berlin, succeeded in promoting themselves all over the country at once as Nazi remarks and party advertisements were published every day in local and central media managed by the civic right. Not only did none of the civic right parties think of such witty and radical propaganda, but they even fell into the illusion that they were leading the situation with the unique bluff and pride of the social leaders. However, it was the Nazi Party, not the National Party that made its name known. As in Hitler's letter in "Adolf Hitler in Franken", it was, "It is surprising that the tendency to refuse the party with a cheeky, arrogant, or foolish attitude just a few years ago has now changed to hope full of expectations." The alliance with the civic right also played a major role in creating Hitler's extensive relationship with the business community. The content of Hitler's party's code was left-wing and there was no big capitalist supporting Hitler's party after the November coup. Hitler's party's funding was only a small amount of small entrepreneurs and sponsors, except for some donors and party members' party fees, and he openly opposed the Communist Party's position on confiscation of land or management of the donation did not increase. For Hitler's party, funds that were always insufficient to expand the situation began to flow in large quantities with the help of the business community due to the alliance with the right-wing of citizens. In his speech to entrepreneurs, Hitler said that he was a strong advocate of private property and that success was evidence of someone high, and tried hard to impress them as "a person who never does what matters to entrepreneurs." In addition, his relationship with Munich society was restored, becoming a VIP welcomed by people such as bourgeois nobles, where he was able to get a lot of money through connections. Some people printed party pamphlets at their own expense, and those people attended Nazi party events as VIPs, becoming more of a Hitler follower in the thrill of "heart-filled glory." The improved party situation also played a role in beautifully changing the appearance of the Nazi Party, which was generally underdeveloped. Hitler, who purchased the Barlov Palace in Munich, renovated the entire building into the Nazi General Headquarters building, which is the famous brown house (Das Braune Haus). Hitler's own house began to rent a nine-room house on the streets of Princz regentenstrasse, a place like Gangnam in Munich, in line with the party's finances. This appearance clearly worked, and the results were revealed in the 1929 local council election. In Saxony and Mecklenburg, the Nazi Party won more than 5 percent of the votes, and in Prussian local elections, it achieved more remarkable results, making it the mayor of Coburg and Wilhelm Freec the state minister in Thuringen. It was a great achievement that many other places did not know the Nazi Party to support the Nazi Party. With Hitler showing his face again and the end of the campaign against Strezemann's territory, which was the reason why Hugenberg was able to unite the right-wing forces, Hitler achieved his last achievement in a dangerous but effective way. As of the day it ended, Hitler had declared a breakup with Hugenberg, who had helped a lot. Hugenberg regretted hitting the ground, but nothing was impossible for Hitler. Hitler independently secured a source of funding for the business community, the party's financial situation has already improved significantly, and the Hitler effect created by Hugenberg's media outlets has been valid. Also, with Hitler's absence, Hugenberg again showed his lethargy, strongly leaving the impression that Hitler was the only right-wing hope to overpower the republic, and the dissatisfaction of anti-capitalist groups in the party died down. Above all, the impression of such intense behavior by a small party also remained strong, and Hitler's party had already grown beyond control. Lastly, Hitler's mention of that time... "In 2 and a half years or 3 years at most..." Our party will win."
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