The tomb of Anhak No. 3 in Goguryeo is gaining considerable popularity thanks to questions about the main character and the procession in it. There was a precise and magnificent matrix that someone called it a "certificate photo," which quenched Goguryeo's thirst for the military, which lacked historical data. Approximately on the matrix, there is a scene in which the honor guard passes together with the military band, centering on the figure presumed to be the king of Goguryeo. Ironware, which can be said to be a symbol of Goguryeo, are of course unclear, but there are also armored Gyeonggi soldiers, heavy commanders with sloth spears, soldiers with axes and arrows, and infantry commanders with swords in armor. First of all, let's talk about Ironware, which has been under numerous controversies and praise - which is called mid- to long-term disease, armored cavalry, and dog, but personally, I like the word iron the most. Misunderstanding and truth about iron ^^ 1. Iron is invincible? First of all, the iron flag here refers to cavalry in armor who can almost completely protect the whole body on a horse in horse armor. It is presumed that people and horses were all surrounded by metal armor, and long jangchang - in China, jangchang called sak was used. Of course, they are Chinese ironware, but I estimate that Goguryeo troops also used similar weapons - If thousands of cavalry rush side by side, the Orcs in the Lord of the Rings will probably think of running away. If you run into a horse without a spear, it'll probably look like a bowling pin hit by an 18-pound bowling ball. In addition, horses and people are wearing fully protected armor, so if you swing large axes or pyeongon while breaking through the greatness of infantry, the infantry will turn into pieces of meat. - A similar scene is depicted in Sohae's novel. The country that used iron the best in history was the Geum Dynasty established by the Yeojin people. Namsong-gun could not even respond properly to ironware wearing thick gloves, but managed to respond with troops led by master Akbi, powerful launch weapons called Mysterious Palace, and heavy infantry over 30 kilometers. The decisive problem with ironing was that it costs a lot of money. To put it simply and violently, I think that if it's armor to be worn on ironware, three people will wear enough armor if it's Gyeonggi-do. The question is whether ironware demonstrates its ability to match the three sports diseases, but there are several problems. First of all, "speed" doesn't come out. I said it's an estimate, but I think it'll probably speed up a little faster than a person's running speed, maybe slower, and it won't last long. In addition, I think it would be almost impossible to shoot an arrow if you were wearing armor completely wrapped around your arms like Goguryeo's ironware. It would be convenient to say that ironware is unlikely to catch up if the speed-dominant game avoids a neck-and-neck race. In fact, even in the Peloponnesian War in ancient Greece, Spartan forces before they were put on a diagonal line by Thebes were Spacteria?There was a case where he was destroyed by an Athenian alert attack. At this time, the Spartan army probably attempted an approach battle, but the fast-footed alarms avoided a neck-and-neck race and repeatedly used fire weapons to attack. The second problem is that the "fighting sustainability" is also short. Like a robot from a cartoon called Mechander V that I used to do on TV, I think many difficulties must have blossomed because of its excessive weight. Someone calculated roughly, and it is estimated that by Magap, it would have been close to 150 kilograms. On top of that, when the fat iron got on, the horse probably wanted to bite the man on top. Another disadvantage is that it is also related to money, which requires ironing to be an "expert." "It's not easy to run hundreds of meters in parallel with that long spear, and you have to buy it with one hand on a rocking horse, but just before the crash, and you have to get trained ^^ from a very old or very long-term assistant." In the end, it means that the higher the defense power, the lower the speed and duration of the battle, and it is estimated that ironware was eventually used only as a kind of "confrontation unit" concept as a minority elite. The problem is that there won't be many battles that move as the commander's plan or expectation, as the saying goes, "As soon as the first shot of the war rings," - but it will be possible if the opposing commander is at the level of artificial intelligence. In addition, no matter how thick your opponent wears armor, it's very likely to be fatal in close range, so the operation of iron fixtures would never have been easy or easy. Against the ironware of gold, Namsong intensively managed powerful Noh (mysterious palace) units and succeeded in neutralizing the ironware's attack by conducting a group of consecutive shots just as Nobunaga fired guns in succession. 2. Ironware is a unique type of disease unique to Goguryeo. I guess it's probably the most misunderstood part. Ironware was also used by the majority of countries in the midfield and by the Toburn and Turk, ancient Persian, and Sarmatians. However, the party intensively managed the economic disease called the monthly period. Even in Japan, there are records and relics that margarine was used. 3. Ironware is one of the main soldiers of Goguryeo-gun. It is the most controversial part and there is still no clear conclusion. In the past, data on iron were posted in detail on Dico's Shin Jae-ho site, but now it is closed, and Shin Jae-ho suggested that iron is inappropriate to be used in the topography of the Korean Peninsula, and Yoon Min-hyuk, the author of the founding history of the Korean Empire, was also negative. However, I agree that it was used a little by commanders' level, honor guards, or guards, and at least it was not widely used on the Korean Peninsula. - Contemporary armored commanders are concerned about the same, and considering that most wars on the Korean Peninsula were siege and Mercury. However, as Shin Jae-ho's opinion, if it was judged that it could have been used in the local war or Manchuria field in front of the castle, Sohaehae also agrees. Sohae's clumsy opinion would not have been mass-managed, but it is highly likely that it was intensively operated. A well-trained ironware could have worked sufficiently with just a few hundred units, and if it could dig into the battle between enemy infantry and cavalry without much damage, iron could have exerted transparent dragon or munchkin-level capabilities except for combat sustainability. The mural of the Samsilchong shows ironware's one-on-one confrontation and beheading the defeated enemy in the fight. However, some scholars interpret this scene as a battle between groups, not a one-on-one duel. What comes out one by one is a bold omission ^^ or a symbolic scene. If the claim is accepted, I think there is a good possibility that Goguryeo's iron was operated in actual battle. Anyway, ironware is always coming out of Goguryeo history museums and books related to Goguryeo, which are being poured out these days, but Sohae's conclusion is that there are many questions about its substance and that there should be more research and analysis in the future.
2022년 2월 21일 월요일
Goguryeo's great Gukgangsang Gwanggaetogyeong Pyeongan Hotae King - An immortal army of eternal monarchs
After the great victory of King Tae's expedition to Baekje in 396, the balance, which had gradually tilted toward Goguryeo, suddenly moved to Goguryeo. I couldn't mention it last time, but I think it would be good to have a question of why the Goguryeo army was strong during this period. Of course, I believe there is no one who can bring up stories such as "Koguryo guys originally fought well" or "Koguryo had invincible ironwork..."Before King ^^ Gwanggaetotae ascended the throne, Goguryeo was showing a poor appearance of being beaten and beaten for half a century. The famous full-scale invasion of Jeonyeon caused the second crisis after the invasion of the official sword a century ago, and the Hwando Castle was destroyed, and the king's mother and the body of King Micheon, as well as more than 50,000 people, suffered an unprecedented disaster. After that, in 369 AD, about four and a half centuries later, Goguryeo invaded Baekje and attacked Chiyang (now the Hwanghae-do area) with 20,000 troops, but was defeated with 5,000 prisoners left due to the Baekje army's counterattack. King Go Guk-won, who vowed revenge, attacked Baekje again in 371, two years later, but was defeated again by a surprise attack by Baekje forces ambushed in the defeated area (Today's Yesunggang River), and rather, Baekje troops, which turned into a counterattack that winter, surrounded Goguryeo's Pyongyang Castle. Later, King Gaero said he cut King Go Guk-won's neck in a national book sent to the north, but it is presumed that he was probably hit by an arrow while leading the battle. The problem is that it is not clear whether Pyongyang at this time was Pyongyang now or South Pyongyang in the territory of Hwanghae-do. North Korean historian Son Young-jong and Professor Yoon Myung-cheol, author of the study of Goguryeo maritime history, estimate that Pyongyang, which Baekje troops attacked, is not the current Pyongyang, but the southern Pyongyang, or Hwanghae-do. There is Jangsusanseong Fortress, which is about 10 kilometers long and about 6 kilometers long, and later becomes an area called Hansung. I think it was called Goguryeo's tile (red stringed tile or tanyel-patterned tile) found here, but I don't remember it well. Based on "I would appreciate it if you could let me know), it is estimated that the fortress was built before the middle of the 4th century, and this castle exists, but it is argued that it could not be attacked to Pyongyang past this castle. I don't know about Sohae yet. As mentioned above, in order to attack Pyongyang now, it is natural to take down or neutralize this castle before advancing, but the war records at this time show that Pyongyang is surrounded and attacked at once. The cause of the war at this time is also a multilateral analysis, which is interpreted as a conflict between Goguryeo's strengthening of control over the Daebang area, which was destroyed by the Micheon Dynasty, and Baekje's interests in preparation for Goguryeo's Namjin. After the death of King Go Guk-won, Goguryeo has been in a hurry to reorganize the system. King Sosorim, who ascended the throne after the death of King Go Guk-won, committed important things in Goguryeo's history one after another.^^ In the 2nd year of King Sosorim's reign - 372 A.D., Buddha statues and Buddhist scriptures are brought in from Bugyeon, the king of Jeonjin, and the attitude of actively accepting Buddhism is shown. Approximately, the acceptance of Buddhism is used as one of the main measures of the development of ancient states of the three kingdoms. - Although it was accepted last, Silla was of course the most obvious effect - Taehak, the first higher education institution in Korean history, was established at the same time. Of course, before that, there was a private educational institution called Gyeongdang in Goguryeo, but the higher education institution established for the purpose of managing and cultivating scholars was the first in Goguryeo. - For your information, Lee Moon-jin, who compiled Yugi during King Yeongyang's reign, was Dr. Taehak - and the following year, the Yulryeong, an important gateway to the development of an ancient country, is also distributed. Although it reveals the ignorance of understanding that it is roughly a written law, the unified and remaining written law is the standard for guessing that the local system has been reorganized and centralized to some extent. Although it is not recorded, I think Goguryeo at this time would have worked head-to-head with many people to find the cause of the terrible and miserable defeat in the past and probably brought about the above results. Based on the deep breathing and physical strength reserve of King Sosorim's reign, Goguryeo during the reign of King Gookyang begins to be a dragon frame. Of course, it was taken out again, but it temporarily occupied Yodong-gun and Hyeondo-gun in a battle with Huyeon. As I will mention separately later, I think of the war as "comprehensive art" and "a miniature version of society." War is often carried out and resulted from soldiers with swords or spears or generals on horseback, but no less important or more important is how well the state or group that carries the impact and absorbs the impact of the war. The military is, after all, another aspect and reality of society. The military and society are beings opposite the mirror in that they exist to achieve their purpose and to the upper and lower structure. The most decisive and obvious difference is that the military is a horribly large consumer group that does not engage in "production activities" at all. When a country matures and becomes enormous, its war capabilities and operational capabilities improve and increase in line with it. For example, Goguryeo mobilized 20,000 troops during the invasion of the official sword during the reign of King Dongcheon, but more than 50,000 troops were more than doubled a century later during King Gogukwon, and again, during the reign of King Tae, half a century later, it has the ability to mobilize 40,000 to 50,000 troops for foreign expeditions. The fact that the numerous troops were able to gather, control, command, and collective supplies were provided according to the timetable, and complicated maneuver and command could eventually mean that Goguryeo was upgraded to the next level during this period. In the end, this combination of power, excellent, robust, grand strategy, and a clear sense of purpose could have been the driving force behind the enormous conquest war of the Taewang period for a long time. In other words, Goguryeo forces were able to build mountains with enemy bodies and put blood-stained flags into the ground as a result of the combination of war performance, purpose, and strong will. Of course, it is estimated that Goguryeo's founding myth, which was presumed to have been completed during this period, may also be one of the factors that strengthen Goguryeo's military.
2022년 2월 18일 금요일
Is it the cause of Goguryeo's collapse, internal strife or foreign invasion?
Kim Youngha (Professor of Humanities at Sungkyunkwan University)
1. On the first day of the New Year's Eve in 666, and the first day of the New Year's Eve, the first day of the New Year's Eve of Taesan Mountain in Shandong, the east of China, was swept away by a sharp wind. Bongseon was being held at the top of Mountain Taesan Mountain in the middle of the mountain, which soared on the red clay land. In China, Bongseon was originally one of the most important ceremonies for the heavenly and mountain streams for the heavenly and mountain streams to inform the whole world of his legitimacy. This Taesanbongseon was so large that it was unprecedented. It was an event held a year and a half after King Dang Gojong issued a record on Bongseon in July 664. Royal families and envoys from various states in Korea, from Persha in the west to Japan in the east, participated. In 665, Yeon Gaesomun, who led the war against the political situation and the party at the end of Goguryeo, died. There is no doubt about his death because he was not yet old enough, but the political situation in Goguryeo has changed significantly anyway. Prince Boknam, sent by King Bojang, who had been hidden by the authority of Yeongaemun Gate so far, also joined envoys from each country. He attended this Bongseon separately from envoys of Silla, Baekje, Tamna, and Japan led by Yu In-gwe. This was the result of the party's separate measures to attend Goguryeo, which has yet to resolve tensions. In his head, which was immersed in all kinds of thoughts, the past war between Goguryeo and the party passed by like a flash of lightning. However, Boknam never dreamed that his attendance in Bongseon would be related to the fall of Goguryeo three years later. It wouldn't have been just because of the biting cold weather. Bongseon was entrusted with politics by King Gojong of the Tang Dynasty in 660 and was requested by Empress Cheonmu, who beat King Gojong and exercised power in 664, and in the actual process of ritual, he led it substantially enough to hold Aheonrye following King Gojong's Cho Heonrye. She deposed her son, King Zhongjong, and then crowned King Yejong, and was the only female emperor in Chinese history who finally established Zhu and ascended the throne. Instead of paying a lot of attention to internal affairs, Ji Cheon-mu was generally known as neglecting external affairs, but Goguryeo was destroyed by the party while she was in control of political power. Goguryeo not only frequently attacked the outskirts of the party's fluctuation, which began in 644, but also blocked two direct attacks on Pyongyang, the capital, which was immediately promoted after Baekje collapsed in 660 and Ji Cheon-mu took power. In particular, the party was defeated by Yeon Gaesomun in the Battle of Pyongyang Castle in 662 and was forced to step down. Since then, the energy of peace has flowed between the two countries for some time, but unfortunately, the party resumed its last expedition to Goguryeo in the wake of the Taesanbongseon. Against this background, it seemed that Bongseon, led by Wu Chen-mu, had a special meaning not only at home and abroad but also for Goguryeo.
2. Was the cause of Goguryeo's collapse internal strife? The cause of a country's collapse is the combination of internal and foreign exchange. Still, the description and education of history vary greatly depending on what the main cause is to be identified. Let's take a look at the relevant part of the current national history textbook for high schools that describes the fall of Goguryeo. Because it is a national textbook, it is something that Koreans should not know, and its instructive meaning is by no means small. After the fall of Baekje, the Nadang Allied Forces attacked Goguryeo on both sides of the land, but failed due to Goguryeo's strong resistance. However, as Goguryeo's national power weakened due to the internal strife of the ruling class, the Nadang Allied Forces did not miss this gap and attacked Goguryeo again. Thus, Pyongyang Castle of Goguryeo finally fell. As shown in the brief above, Goguryeo was described as collapsing due to the internal strife of the ruling class. It is known that the internal strife is generally due to the dictatorship of Yeon Gaesomun, resulting from Goguryeo's own conflict between his post-control. It is a matter of perception of history to mention internal strife or pay attention to shouting as the cause of Goguryeo's fall. However, paying attention to the dictatorship of Yeon Gaesomun again as the background of the internal strife also has a instructive function in history that makes you realize the negative meaning of dictatorship as a citizen of a democratic society. Apart from the fact of these contents, the long-term war between Goguryeo and Tang has attracted the attention of historians from Korea, China, and Japan since early on. This was because the impact of this war on the three countries of East Asia in the 7th century was so great. In China, in the midst of the war between Goguryeo and Tang, a side dancer appeared in politics, and in Korea, Silla integrated Baekje and Balhae was founded in the Goguryeo highlands. Meanwhile, in Japan's dialogue coordination, civil war broke out and aimed for a new national system based on laws. Due to the war between the two countries, the late 7th century of East Asia was engulfed in a whirlwind of political affairs, war, and civil war. The first to study the war between Goguryeo and Tang as a method of modern history was the Japanese academia. During the Japanese colonial period, the field that Japanese oriental historians paid great attention to was the history of the Manchuria region. This is a trend in academia to respond to the continental expansion policy of Japanese imperialism, and it turned out to be the so-called Mansun Historical History to historically justify the colonial management of Manchuria and Joseon. The military officer identified Manchuria and Joseon as subjects and objects in an inseparable relationship, respectively, and from the standpoint of Korean history, it was to evangelize the guests. This Manseonsa Temple attributed various countries in history that existed in the Manchuria area to the history of Manchuria. Its practical purpose was to give historical legitimacy to Manchuria, which was founded by the Japanese imperialism. According to this logic, the history of Manchuria was bound to be excluded from the category of Chinese history as well as Korean history. In this case, the most problematic part of Korean history was the history of Goguryeo and Balhae. Japanese colonial history emphasized the unification of the three kingdoms of Silla to turn the history of these two countries into the history of Manchuria. The emphasis on the unification of the Silla Three Kingdoms was nothing more than an intention to limit the spatial scope of Korean history to less than the central and southern parts of the Korean Peninsula. Japanese colonial history spared no academic efforts to meet the real continental expansion policy by integrating Korean history into those under the influence of Manchuria. Its representative achievement was published as a vast Manseon Geographic History Research Report on the geography and history of Manchuria and Joseon. As part of this Manseonsa Temple, the history of Manchuria, including Goguryeo history, which spanned two regions, was studied. In particular, Ikeuchi Hiroshima, who represented Japan's oriental history at the time, published a series of papers on the process of Goguryeo's collapse. What he paid attention to was none other than Goguryeo's internal strife. He found the background of Goguryeo's destruction even if it eventually collapsed due to the invasion of the party in the internal strife between the brothers Namsaeng, Namgeon, and Namsan after the death of Yeon Gaesomun. He paid attention to the fact that Namsaeng, who was chased by Nam Geon, fled to the party and became the direction of the party's military and destroyed his home country. This historical narrative may have been based on another sense of purpose pursued by Japanese colonial history. In other words, the perception of reality to grasp Japan's merger with Korea as a result of requests by internal strife, not as a strength by shouting, could have been a perception projected into past history. In fact, Japanese colonial history emphasized internal strife in Korean history, such as partisan disputes in the Joseon Dynasty. This perception of the cause of Goguryeo's fall did not change significantly in Korean academia after liberation. There could of course be many reasons for this. However, from a national-centered point of view, one of the reasons may have been the formal logic that forced Goguryeo to attribute the cause to internal strife when it finally collapsed despite its successful anti-Dang war. Even if it is the same internal division theory, there was a difference in the implications of Japanese colonial history and Korean academia after liberation. Moreover, while the military dictatorship that refracted modern Korean history continued, the discussion took a step further as the internal strife mentioned as the cause of Goguryeo's fall stems from the dictatorship of Yeon Gaemun. Considering that history does not have the role of a mirror in light of today, it could have been possible to recognize history. First of all, I will cite a group of such descriptions in a high-quality opening letter on the ancient history of Korea. In addition, what was more disadvantageous was the fact that when Yeon Gaesomun died, a serious regime struggle took place within the ruling class due to the aftermath of his dictatorship. In other words, Namsaeng, the eldest son, was chased by his younger brother Nam Geon and Namsan, and went to the old Seoul, Naeseong Fortress, and sent his son Heonseong to the enemy party to borrow his power. And in the same year, Yeon Gaesomun's younger brother, Yeonjeongto, surrendered to Silla with 12 castles, and Silla troops were deployed in these castles. In this way, internal solidarity was collapsing. This was like a signal to hasten Goguryeo's fate.' As can be seen above, Goguryeo was destroyed by the dictatorship of Yeon Gaemun, the resulting struggle for power between self-control, and the cooperative efforts of the Na-Party coalition forces promoted following the exile of the Jaje Party and Silla. The internal conflict between self-control, which is cited as the cause, was also identified as a problem within Goguryeo resulting from the dictatorship of Yeon Gaemun. In the end, Japanese colonial history discussed Goguryeo's internal strife as part of its logic to mislead Korea's strengths, and Korean academia paid attention to the dictatorship of Yeon Gaesomun Gate again to emphasize the negative meaning of dictatorship.
3. Goguryeo's internal strife is an extension of the cry. Despite historical lessons that awaken the negative meaning of dictatorship, its impact on history could be even worse if it is not true. History is a study that can be interpreted in various ways according to changing constitutional conditions, and a new interpretation of historical data has another instructive meaning corresponding to it. This logic can also be applied to examine the cause of Goguryeo's collapse. Unless the cause lies in internal strife, it is inevitable to emphasize the theory of shouting again, which does not by any means mask the dictatorship of Yeon Gaemun. The changes in the situation in East Asia in the 7th century unfolded centering on the hostile relationship between Goguryeo and the Sudang. The number of people who overcame the period of division of the North and South Korean Articles and unified China invaded Goguryeo several times to establish a neutralization order externally while establishing legitimacy internally. However, this expedition was blocked by Goguryeo's effective defense and failed repeatedly, as well as the uprising of farmers due to excessive appearance, leading to the collapse of the number. The position of the party that founded the country following the number was basically the same as that of the number. However, he only took the fall of Sue as a mirror and dealt with it more carefully. Tang Tae-jong began his last expedition to Goguryeo from 644 after subjugating the Dongdolgung (630) of Makbuk, the native spirit (635) and Gochang (640) of the West, while recovering the domestic public sentiment dispersed by the peasant uprising. This war continued until Goguryeo collapsed in 668, which can be largely divided into three stages according to changes in the party's strategy. The reason why the party had to change its strategy was because of Goguryeo's strong and successful battle. First, Goguryeo is in the stage of neutralizing the party's attack on the fluctuating regions. Tang Tae-jong went on an expedition to Goguryeo based on the internal preemptive measures to deal with the public sentiment scattered by the fall of the number and the external justification for the murder of King Yeongryu. These two conditions were nothing more than a premise to justify the war against Goguryeo, where large-scale manpower mobilization was inevitable. There was no such meticulous preparation in the party's foreign expedition, all of which were due to the lessons of defeat and destruction of numbers. Prior to the expedition, Tang Tae-jong promised the safety of his descendants who participated in the war to the elderly in Jangan, and presented the requirements for soldiers to win, unlike the case of the prisoner. Tang Tae-jong, fully prepared, finally began his Goguryeo home in 645. The party was organized in two directions of landing. It was an operation in which the naval forces entered Pyongyang, the Army moved to a fluctuation, and the two forces joined. With this operation, he was able to achieve a criminal record of defeating various castles such as Hyeonto, Gaemo, Bisa, Liaodong, and Baekam. However, the party forces, which had a considerable criminal record in the early days of the war, also faced difficulties in the battle of Ansi Province. A fierce battle broke out over Ansi Castle, but the party was forced to step down due to strong resistance from Goguryeo forces. As a result, the party's strategy to occupy Goguryeo in the short term ended in failure. Unlike when he started, Tang Tae-jong, who is said to have lost one eye in this battle, returned with great regret over his mother's Even after the party withdrew from the military, tensions between the two countries did not ease. King Bojang and Yeon Gaesomun sent envoys to apologize and offer beauty, but Tang Taejong did not accept it. After his mother's failure, the party shifted to a long-term strategy to consume Goguryeo's capabilities. In 647, Lee Juck went through the divinity, went to Namsoseong Fortress and Mokjeoseong Fortress, and fought against Goguryeo forces, but failed to win. Seol Man-cheol attacked Park Jak-seong at the mouth of the Yalu River in 648 and returned with considerable results. As such, the party's attack on the fluctuations north of the Yalu River was aimed at consuming Goguryeo's capabilities through looting of residents and voluntarily subjugating Goguryeo. After using this strategy, Tang Tae-jong began preparing for a large-scale expedition to occupy Goguryeo in the short term, but it was stopped due to his death. King Gojong, who succeeded King Taejong, also inherited the long-term consumption strategy for fluctuations. In 655, Jeong Myung-jin and So Jeong-bang defeated Goguryeo troops in the sacred city, but Jeong Myung-jin was unable to beat Goguryeo troops in the battle of Jeokbongjin in 658. In 659, Gye Pil-ha-ryeok attacked the fluctuation, but it also ended without visible results. The party had no choice but to revise its previous strategy when even the consumption strategy for fluctuations was neutralized by Goguryeo. Next, Goguryeo is at the stage of frustrating the party's direct attack on Pyongyang. The party constantly targeted the fluctuations by using strategies of short-term occupation and long-term consumption in two directions, but failed to achieve the expected results. This contained the party's strategic limitations coupled with Goguryeo's strong defense. One was the party's sole operation, and the other was the inefficiency of only fluctuating attacks. The strategy to overcome these two limitations turned out to be a direct attack on Pyongyang, which was promoted after the Baekje expedition by the Na Party Alliance. King Uija of Baekje strengthened his royal power and launched a catastrophic attack on Silla in 642 by creating a pro-Japanese coup. King Taejong Muyeol of Silla, who faced an internal and external crisis due to Baekje's attack, finally asked the party to strike Baekje based on the strategic alliance of the Na-Dang Alliance in 659. This military diplomacy took place in a different international situation than before. It was a time when a new strategy was needed at a time when the limit of the party's solo operation was already revealed. As a result, the party's passive position on Baekje turned in an active direction, and as a result, the expedition of the Na-Party Alliance to Baekje began. The Baekje expedition of the party, led by Sojeongbang and Yoo Baek-young, was organized after a battle with Goguryeo in Liaodong in 659. The following year, Baekje was destroyed by joining the Silla army to capture Sabiseong Fortress. This fact was that the party's expedition to Baekje was an extension of the Goguryeo expedition, and it showed a shift in strategy from the party's solo attack on fluctuations to Pyongyang's direct attack through a coalition with Silla. In the end, the party's expedition to Baekje was part of a detour strategy to secure a base in the rear to occupy Goguryeo. The party that destroyed Baekje immediately made So Jeong-bang, Yoo Baek-young, and Gye Pil-ha-ryeok, who participated in the Baekje expedition, hit Goguryeo. In 661, King Gojong of the Tang organized a large-scale expedition army with small businesses, Im A-sang, Gye Pil-ha-ryeok, and Sojeongbang to attack Pyongyang again, but his parents were stopped due to dissuasion. In this expedition, Bang Hyo-tae almost exterminated the entire army by a counterattack by Yeon Gaesomun in the Battle of Susaesu, and Sojeongbang, which surrounded Pyongyang Castle, also stepped down without results. Now, even the party's strategy to directly attack Pyongyang has been thwarted, and the Ungjin Dodokbu of the Baekje Highlands, reorganized by the party's taste policy, has switched to a rear base to occupy Goguryeo.
4. Both the Taesanbongseon, the attack on fluctuations promoted by the Jeonju Gokdang of the fall of Pyongyang Castle, and the Pyongyang direct workers failed, but the party's willingness to occupy Goguryeo was not defeated. After Pyongyang's direct workshop returned to nothing in 662, a lull was created between the two countries until the party resumed its expedition to Goguryeo in December 666. This atmosphere was a very unusual phenomenon in light of the previous urgent war trend between the two countries. In the meantime, the party completed the control of taste in Silla, which aims to integrate Baekje's old land, and reviewed a new strategy to weaken Goguryeo's capabilities as a final step. It became a reality with the resumption of internal strife and expeditions against Goguryeo. Yeon Gaesomun of the new noble forces, who took control of the real power through political affairs in 642 and led a hard line against the party, ended his turbulent life in 665. Namsaeng, the eldest son who took office as Taemakji after his father's death, sympathized with the royal power of King Bojang and the old noble forces who restored their royal authority for the first time in a long time. However, his second son, Nam Geon, continued his father's policy and adhered to a strong line toward the party. In the end, the internal strife between the self-controls that occurred after the death of Yeon Gaesomun Gate was expressed as a result of the participation of the Taesanbongseon between political forces, which had been implicit in the long-term women's-party war. After issuing a record on Taesanbongseon, the party seems to have made considerable efforts to attend Goguryeo, unlike Silla, Baekje, Tamna, and Japanese raiders led by Yu In-gwe. The record stipulated that envoys from neighboring countries should gather in Nakyang, the eastern province, by October 665. The prince Boknam of King Bojeong went to Nakyang on October 25 and joined the temple, and four days later, he left for Taesan Mountain with King Gojong on the 29th and attended the burial of the first day of the New Year in 666. It was impossible for Boknam to be able to move in time for the party's bongseon schedule without background control from the party. It was highly likely that the party made a plan to induce Goguryeo's attendance at the Bongseon, which was in a tense relationship, to plan internal strife, and to weaken Goguryeo's defense capabilities. Boknam, who does not know the inside story, would have been difficult to predict the impact of Lee Bong-seon in the future. Goguryeo's attendance at Taesanbongseon did not change the party's basic strategy to occupy Goguryeo. Rather, the party resumed its expedition when Namsaeng fled due to internal strife caused by Goguryeo's attendance in Bongseon. Even the internal strife, which is mentioned as the cause of Goguryeo's collapse, was no different from a low-intensity strategy of diplomatic maneuvering made as an extension of military aggression. Just in time, there was also a request for Silla's expedition to integrate the place by turning the party's interest in Baekje to Goguryeo. Pyongyang, the capital city, finally fell in September 668 due to the internal response of Jung Shin-sung, who received the fate of Namsaeng in a situation where the party's amphibious forces and Silla's cheering forces were cooperating. Here, you can see the true state of imperialism that has not changed in the past, and how to cope with it remains a lesson for us today.
The purpose of the establishment of the Gwanggaeto Great Monument.
The Goguryeo Dynasty actively responded to pressure from outside forces and internally slowed the independent momentum of the tribal group, absorbing the chieftain into the order of centralized domination with the king at its peak, adjusting the interests of the central noble to grow into an ancient country. It was a process of building a unified centralized ruling order while avoiding a pluralistic and tribal ruling order, and building a strong royal power that could be located at the peak of the order. In the process, there was frustration, but King Go Guk-won temporarily called it Soyeolje and showed off his royal authority externally. However, King Go Guk-won was invaded by the Yeogun, and not only the queen of the queen but also the dead body of the king of the ancestors were taken prisoner and eventually killed in the Battle of Daebaekje. It was the result of the unstable royal authority. Such frustration of King Go Guk-won not only shook the interior of Goguryeo's ruling system, which peaked at the king that had been established until then, but also caused the contraction of the nation's economic base or receiving base. King Sosorim, who succeeded after that, formed friendly relations with Jeon Jin, who destroyed Jeon Yeon, strengthened the defense of Daebaekje, and sought stability in foreign relations. Internally, it attempted to establish a centralized governance system by strengthening the royal authority through the establishment of Buddhist official, Taehak, and the dissemination of the decree. Buddhism's public figure was a presentation of a super-deficient and universal mental world that was higher than the existing religious system that maintained the tribal social order. It was an ideological basic work to strengthen royal power and maintain a centralized governance system. Buddhism accepted by King Sosorim was a North Korean-Chinese hojok Buddhism handed down from Jeonjin, and the monarch exercised considerable power over the denomination, monks maintained stability in the royal authority as political and military issues and sorcerer, and had a close relationship with the state power or royal authority. That point of Buddhism was in line with Goguryeo's intention to strengthen the royal authority and establish a centralized governance system. Next, the establishment of Taehak aims to reorganize educational institutions at the national level and organically accept advanced culture to cultivate noble children as new bureaucrats. In other words, it emphasized Confucian virtues such as Chung by introducing a higher level of Confucian political ideology than in the tribal state era, and aimed to rationalize the authority of the prince and foster management to maintain a centralized governing system. The contents of the law promulgated by King Sosorim have not been handed down, but it was to reorganize and codify the pluralistic customary system of the tribal state into a unified public law system to maintain the systematic reorganization of the king's peak. As described above, the policies of King Sosurim were later inherited by King Gwanggaeto, the king of the homeland, and the centralized system, which culminates in the kingship, bears fruit. As a result, during the reign of King Gwanggaeto, the overall national system such as politics, society, culture, and military was completed, and the royal authority and centralized governance system were strengthened, enabling the total gathering of national power. King Jangsu, who succeeded King Gwanggaeto, reigned for 80 years and carried out Pyongyang Cheondo, which had been prepared since the previous dynasty, which was the basic policy of King Jangsu. Since the old capital district has a strong foundation for the central noble, it was an area where the royal authority was likely to be checked and had limitations in growing into a super-deficient country. On the other hand, Pyongyang was an area that was easy for royal forces to dominate and rich in economic power because it had relatively few direct interests of the central noble and weakened indigenous forces. Moreover, Pyongyang Cheondo also has the effect of avoiding conflicts with China, so peace was maintained until it was closed to the Sui Dynasty in the future. On the other hand, Baekje and Silla formed an alliance due to a sense of crisis against Goguryeo, and Baekje also promoted joint measures with the North. In such a situation, King Jangsu attacked Baekje and murdered King Gaero and brought Baekje's capital to Woongjin. In addition, in the technique of the Jungwon Goguryeo Monument called Silla Gyeongnae Dangju, it can be assumed that Goguryeo soldiers were stationed in Silla's territory. These are facts that show that Goguryeo had the upper hand, but its relationship with neighboring countries was tense. Goguryeo's external superiority was made possible by the policy of taking the Namjin policy and paying tribute depending on the situation of King Jangsu. The Northern Wei, who was raging at the time, was thoroughly conquering and subjugating a country that could be subjugated. In such a situation, it was possible for King Jangsu to act against the will of the north because Goguryeo's national power was independent. King Jangsu was exercising leadership through street diplomacy, taking advantage of the divided situation in China. This does not mean that King Jangsu reigned as an absolute monarch from the beginning of his throne. King Jangsu's Pyongyang Cheondo also aimed at freeing the royal family from the central noble family. At the beginning of the throne, aristocratic forces could interfere with the royal authority, and there was also a movement within the royal family to threaten the royal authority in connection with the royal family. King Jangsu at the beginning of the throne could not have had anything to do with such movement. Therefore, the absolute power exercised by King Jangsu is also a disproving of the fact that he overcame such a process. However, even after King Jangsu acquired absolute authority, the opposition of the aristocratic forces remained. It can also be estimated from the contents of the national book sent by King Gaero of Baekje to the north. Now (Goguryo) Ryeon is committing a crime. (That) country is like (a minced dish) fish. Instead, there is no stopping by slaughtering Myeongjok. Sin is full, evil builds up, the people (life of the people) collapse, and they are separated. This record is more than 60 years after King Jangsu ascended the throne, and it is said that there is still opposition from the Daishin and his tribe, even though enough time has elapsed to stabilize the royal authority. The fact that there was an internal backlash even when King Jangsu's authority was stabilized suggests that King Jangsu's ascension and rule were also carried out amid such opposition. Therefore, there would have been much more such crises at the time of King Gwanggaeto's death and King Jangsu's ascension. Immediately after King Gwanggaeto's death, immediately after King Jangsu was crowned, it was the most suitable time for several tribes to protest against King Gwanggaeto's absolute authority, and it would have been a great opportunity for several tribes to restore their existing powers. In addition, it was natural to try to increase the authority of the tribe at such an opportunity. In such a situation, it was indispensable for the Shin Dynasty to confirm the integrity and legitimacy of the royal family, and it is an epitaph to confirm the legitimacy and location of King Jangsu in response to the necessity. Since it is an inscription composed of such a situation of the times, the purpose of the monument cannot be limited to the praise of King Gwanggaeto. It includes King Jangsu's intention to overcome the anxiety or crisis that may arise during the dynasty's replacement period by confirming the principle that the spirit expressed by King Jangsu is reproduced by King Jangsu by specifying the power of King Gwanggaeto. Takatoshi Matsubara says that. It is thought that the inscription also has the function of explaining the present. At that point, it will naturally come to mind that it has the function of declaring the legitimacy of King Jangsu, the founder of the stone monument and successor of the throne, at home and abroad, as well as commemorating the virtues of King Gwanggaeto. In addition, for the few successors on the throne, it was necessary to emphasize the need for re-integration and strengthening order maintenance throughout the kingdom in danger of division and collapse due to the death of the former king. This is an opinion that argues that the inscription contains the intention of the visa and suggests a correct method of understanding the inscription. It is clear that the epitaph praises the feat of the vice king. However, it does not end with the praise of the vice-king, but it confirms the absoluteity of the king's reign with its admonition, inherits the king, and strengthens the position of King Jangsu himself, who reigns in the present world. That would have been the biggest purpose of admission and non-textual composition. King Jangsu exists outside the inscription, but inherits the world of inscription through blood ties.
2022년 2월 17일 목요일
Goguryeo's great Gukgangsang Gwanggaetogyeong Pyeongan Hotae King - Challenge and frustration of King Asin of Baekje.
King Gwanggaetotae's attack on Baekje in 392 AD - the 2nd year of Yeongnak - presented two things to Baekje's leadership. One is Goguryeo's change, which has been a little easy - like the coach's changed team renewing the atmosphere - and the other is that 40,000 Goguryeo troops invaded, but they are leisurely hunting (some say that the hunt was not a play, but a new king died). The fact that King Asin died at the hunting ground and that King Asin was an uncle, not a child or brother of King Jinsa (King Asin, the son of King Chimryu, ascends to the throne because he was young) is often seen as a kind of coup. The first thing King Asin did was to visit Dongmyeongmyo Shrine (Jumong, the founder of Goguryeo), followed by Jinmu, the leader of the Qin clan, who is an uncle and queen, to the head (General Jwa) and order him to recapture the Gwanmi castle and other castles lost to the war. At this time, King Asin directly mentioned the name of Gwanmi Castle and ordered Jinmu to recapture it, and Jinmu led 10,000 troops to attack Gwanmi Castle, but failed due to the defense of Goguryeo forces. Eventually, the failure at this time becomes the key to King Asin and the king's surrender to the invading army for the first time in Baekje's history. Anyway, King Asin, who is estimated to be at the same age as King Gwanggaetotae, continues to attack Goguryeo even after the failure. In 394 AD (again, the records of Neungbi and the Three Kingdoms are one year apart) - Yeongrak 4 years - The eldest son, Jeon Ji, was appointed as the prince, and his mother appointed him as one of the six highest officials of Baekje, and in July, King Sugokseong (Shingye, Hwanghae-do) directly attacked. Presumably, the unknown number of Baekje troops surrounded Sugokseong Fortress and attacked it, but retreated after being attacked by a pro-crisis army led by King Tae himself (the tomb monument shows the expression of government forces or royal party). Although he fought for three years using the army, he suffered considerable human and material losses due to consecutive losses, but King Asin of tenacity did not give up and mobilized the army to attack Goguryeo the following year. The battle in 395 AD - the 5th year of Yeongnak - has some differences from the fight in front of it. In August, Baekje troops led by chief Jinmu attacked Goguryeo forces, but this time again, they fought against Taewang, who led 7,000 troops, and lost 8,000 people. Goguryeo records show that 8,000 people were killed or captured, and Baekje records show a difference that 8,000 people were killed, but it must have been lost somehow from the perspective of the Baekje side. The fact that there were more dead people than the army led by King Tae himself allows us to estimate that the size of the Baekje army that attacked Goguryeo at this time could be between 10,000 and 20,000 or 20,000 and 30,000. For your information, the number of troops Baekje mobilized the most was 30,000 at the time of the 371 Pyongyang Castle attack, and if the number of soldiers participating in the 395 defeat battle was at least 10,000 to 20,000 to 30,000, Baekje attacked Goguryeo, and at least it was less than Baekje. Of course, before that, 5,000 Goguryeo troops, led by the Wei Dynasty's general, Ul Ji-hae, raided the valley and killed 8,000 people, but at that time, it was definitely a surprise. The 395 defeat battle is just described as a "battle." Some scholars estimate that the Iron Fleet led by King Tae may have dug into the camp of Baekje and defeated many times as many enemy forces as in Isus or Gaugamela ^^ Also, seeing that the battle took place as a defeat, not a castle. Anyway, I failed to recapture Gwanmiseong Fortress, and I tried to touch Sugokseong Fortress, so I think it could be a way to bypass if I couldn't occupy it. In other words, I think it's possible to infer that Taewang rushed to attack Goguryeo's bases and fought a showdown with Baekje. If this reasoning is true, Jinmu, who led Baekje's Asin King or defeat battle, literally threw a "match", but unfortunately, the problem was that the opponent was a master of a few steps. In addition, from the two's point of view, King Asin, who probably suffered from the news of defeat from Jinmu, who returned alive, would have been paralyzed if he knew what would happen to him and Baekje the following year. Anyway, King Asin, who heard of the defeat, was quite angry and crossed the Hansu to Cheongmokryeong Pass (approximately presumed to be near Kaesong) in November of that year, but when the soldiers froze to death, he returned to Hanseong. King Gwanggaetotae's expedition to Baekje in 396, which pushed the fate of Baekje and Asin into the darkness, will be in the next episode...
Goguryeo's Great Monarch - Gwanggaetogyeong Pyeongan Hotae King Gwanggaeto the Great
He is the posthumous title of Goguryeo's great conquest monarch called King Gwanggaeto or King Hotae, and he is fascinated by himself these days. Not long ago, the idea of writing a biography of this person is all of his interest. I would like to write an article that is realistic and can read the emotions and thoughts of the main character, such as Valerio Masimo Manfredi's "Alexandros" and Carthage trilogy. Of course, considering the remaining records, it will be closer to "novels" than to "biographies," and it will take a considerable amount of time to investigate the data because there are so many controversies. I don't know if I'll use it or not, but I'll show you the rough appearance of this person and your estimation. First of all, the poems written in the heavy rain from Neungbi, Samguksagi, Modurumyo, and the heavy rain in Gyeongju are slightly different, but there is little difference in meaning. First of all, the name of the place where King Tae was buried is known as Gwanggaetogyeong means expanding the territory, and Pyeongan means the reign of the king, and Hote means king of the royal family that the people like. Some scholars argue that the title Taewang was a common name, but there is no clear evidence yet, and even if there are kings named the Great King or the New King, he is the only one on the record who received the title Taewang. He was born in 375 as the son of King Yang of the homeland, and his name is Damdeok, and there is no record of brothers or mothers. During his survival, he was probably called King Yeongraktae after King Tae or Yeonho, and his enemies probably called him "Damdeok, King Goguryeo." Five years before King Tae's birth, Goguryeo suffered as much as the attack of the official sword of the Wei Dynasty and the attack of King Mo Yong-hwang. King Geunchogo of Baekje led 30,000 troops beyond defeat (usually means Yesunggang River on the Korean Peninsula), and Professor Yoon Myung-cheol and North Korean academia estimate Pyongyang at that time as Jangsusanseong Fortress in the territory of Hwanghae-do, not Pyongyang now. In the process of attacking and defeating this assumption, King Gogukwon, the eldest father of King Tae, died. This was the first and last king in Goguryeo's history to die while fighting an enemy. For your information, Baekje suffers twice and Silla dies once, but Silla dies a little bit pathetic. In addition, in 377, three years after King Tae's birth, Baekje attacked Pyongyang Castle (presumed to be Jangsusanseong Fortress in Hwanghae-do), and invaded in 389 and 390 just before King Tae took the throne, especially in 390 Dalsol Jingamo Dogonseong Fortress (also known as Doapseong Fortress. The location is unknown) and 200 men and women are captured and returned, and Jingamo is appointed to the Byeonggwan Jwapyeong. First of all, there is no record of King Tae's growth period, but Taehak, Goguryeo's first higher education institution, was established in the second year of King Sosorim in 372. Like Alexandros, who learned learning and the world from Aristotle in Mieza, it is presumed that the Taewang was educated by a scholar who teaches academics in prenatal studies or prenatal studies. For reference, Lee Moon-jin, who made a history book called New House, which reorganized abandonment, was Dr. Taehak. Perhaps someone "completed" the bile duct that he had vaguely guessed what to do when he grew up. Perhaps an old general or protester awakened the revenge of Damdeok by telling stories about the invasion of 342, the 369th annihilation battle, and the death of his uncle in 371. The year King Tae ascended the throne differs by one year in the records of Neungbi and Samguksagi (391 years of Neungbi, 392 years of Samguksagi). At the time of ascension, it is estimated that there would have been no large-scale civil war or dispute that could be a novel story. Of course, the records may have been deleted, but Goguryeo mobilized 40,000 troops in July 392 to take out 10 people, including Seok Hyeon-seong of Baekje. Also, he immediately breaks into Khitan and takes back 10,000 people from his country who have captured 500 people alive or fled.In addition, in October, the army was divided into seven roads, and after a 20-day battle, it succeeded in capturing Gwanmiseong Fortress, a major defense base in the northern part of Baekje. This Gwanmiseong Fortress was an important base for Baekje to the extent that King Asin of Baekje, who was newly crowned next year, called Jinmu, who was an uncle and chief, and ordered the recapture of Gwanmiseong Fortress. Goguryeo already mobilized more than 50,000 troops in the 342nd war against Yeon, half a century ago, but the fact that such troops were stationed outside for months can make it possible to assume that Goguryeo's domestic situation has stabilized. In the year of the throne, Silla sent Silseong, the son of Lee Chan-daeji, to Goguryeo as a hostage. This spirit later returned to Silla and ascended to the throne and sent another hostage to Goguryeo. And Pyongyang. This is really Pyongyang.Build 9 temples in ^^)The number 9 is the same as the number of floors of the pagoda built later in Hwangnyongsa Temple in Silla, and it has a deep meaning, but I forgot what it means.-,.- I'd appreciate it if you could look forward to the rest next time. Originally, it was a pillow-decorated painting excavated from Goguryeo's ancient tombs.The three tribes that the Goguryeo people regarded as sacred...It's a crow with three legs.
The process of establishing Goguryeo's first capital city.
As a result of finding out why the South and North Korean historical circles chose the location of the first capital of Goguryeo, Zolbon, as a Hwanin, there is no other data other than the content that "it should be a prominent place as it is the first capital of Goguryeo." In order to locate the first capital, there must be content to support with literary archaeological data. However, such content is not visible. There are not one or two famous places in illuminating Goguryeo history, but it is not known why Hwanin was called a famous place and the place was designated as a Zolbon. If the literature archaeological data cannot be found, the first capital city is important, so I think it would have been better to say unknown location. However, it is also true that even a single step in efforts to interpret Goguryeo history cannot be taken without determining its location because the first capital is unknown. Therefore, it was a very urgent problem to decide the first capital first. Therefore, some of the preceding researchers gathered to discuss several candidate sites classified as "famous places" and chose the patient as the most likely place compared to the Samguk fraud articles, and it is judged that they decided to mark them as "Sadness." Since then, this monument has hardened like a orthodoxy and studied Goguryeo history based on it, and the results of these studies have accumulated and gathered to the point where it should now be a orthodoxy or orthodoxy that should not be corrected. This is the location of the first capital, Zolbon, which was roughly set, and more than 55 years have passed without trying to find data and determine the exact location. In the meantime, many researchers used to study Goguryeo history to fix the location of the first capital to Hwanin and ignore the records of classics if there were parts that did not fit well. This was treated as if they had achieved as great research results as they had developed a new theory, and all the researchers who were interested in it entered the competition to prove that the existing records were wrong. Thus, the more we proved that the existing records were wrong, the higher the evaluation became. Now no one can stand up to this, and the trend of relentlessly cooperating and making it difficult to preserve its place has been implicitly established. This was not for the benefit of other countries and was not done at the request of other countries, but other countries encouraged them by giving them a degree and treating them more closely. Those who have not been treated like this have come to feel inferior. It is time to think about whether it is right to think about it and focus only on one's own work, not my own business, even though such a small group who turned a blind eye to the people is distorting long history. If the location of Goguryeo's first capital was Hwanin, it would be interpreted that King Yuri's march further west from Yangmaek, Chido, where he made Yangmaek to the west, and take away Goguryeo-hyeon from Hyeondo-gun. Still, there is no one who can object to it. That's why the location of the first capital is important, but previous researchers either rushed too much or postponed it to each other. If you interpret Goguryeo history in this way, you will have no choice but to interpret it as a matter in North Hamgyeong Province due to the chaos in the location of Eastern Yeo, where the third king of Daemushin hit Dongbuyeo. Since Jumong escaped from Dongbuyeo and came down to the southeast to establish Goguryeo in Zolbon, there was Dongbuyeo in the northwest of Zolbon. However, in terms of the results of the studies so far, Hwan-in is considered a small copy and the location of Dongbuyeo is found and discussed in the direction of Hamgyeong-do. Even if Hwanin is Zolbon, there was Dongbuyeo in the northwest, so it is reasonable to visit Dongbuyeo in the direction of Shenyang. No one did so even though this was fully understandable. This may be due to the reputation of early researchers. Academic theory is there to be overturned. Why can't Einstein's theory overturn the claim of a particular researcher who preceded us in a world that overturns Einstein's theory? It's not too late. From now on, if you accept the new theory and proceed with new research by revising the wrong parts based on the new theory, you can go ahead of any other neighboring country. Therefore, it should be recognized as soon as possible that the location of this important first capital, Zolbon, is not a patient, but a nursing care. Even from an archaeological point of view, there are no Goguryeo cultural relics before the 2nd century, including the 2nd century, said Wang Geon-gun, director of the Gilimseong Museum.
Author: Oh Jongcheol
2022년 2월 16일 수요일
Late Goguryeo Period Person - Ko Yeonsu
King Yeongryu was crowned in Goguryeo, but when ambitious Dangtaejong called in Jin Daedeok to look into Goguryeo's situation, Yeon Gaesomun took power in Goguryeo, killed King Yeongryu, and killed all opponents, and took power. Under this pretext, Tang Tae-jong led 100,000 soldiers to Goguryeo in the 4th year of King Bojeong (645). Lee Se-jeok invaded the army in a fluctuating manner with 60,000 troops, and Jangryang headed to Pyongyang with 40,000 naval forces divided into 500 battleships. Tang Dynasty troops captured Gaemoseong, Bisa Castle, etc. and marched to Yodongseong Fortress. Finally, King Taejong, who crossed the guard and advanced to Yodongseong Fortress, drained and used a guncha to attack day and night, and later set fire to the castle using the strong south wind, but was eventually taken down by 100,000 elite soldiers of Tang Taejong in 12 days. In this fight, more than 10,000 people were killed and 500,000 islands of grain were lost. Dangtaejong then fell to Baekamseong Fortress and advanced to Ansiseong Fortress. Yeon Gaesomun gave 150,000 people to Ko Yeon-su and Ko Hye-jin, who were abusive in the north, to defend Ansi-seong, but foolish Ko Yeon-su advanced to 8 ri from the southeast of Ansi-seong, but Tang Tae-jong's elite troops surrendered and attacked Ansi-seong without stopping. Tang Dynasty troops eventually attacked by building earthen fortifications higher than Ansi Fortress, but Goguryeo troops responded by building higher earthen fortifications inside the fortress. Then, when Tangna-gun threw countless rocks at the forefront of the gun truck and broke down the wall, Goguryeo-gun set up a wooden fence to block it, and Dangtaejong blindly mobilized all nearby residents and soldiers to build Saturn (the Saturn was bigger than the real mountain), but when Goguryeo secretly went back and attacked Tang Dynasty, Tangtaejong eventually returned. I'll go back when I lose again. Dangtaejong takes turns and wails, feeling keenly that even 1.13 million troops could not break Goguryeo.
Ancient Korean history - War in the Three Kingdoms Period. Goguryeo and China's first conflict.
In the 53rd year of King Taejo (105th year), King Taejo led the army to attack the fluctuating counties and prefectures. On the Chinese side, this was a clear invasion of themselves. At that time, county prefectures Yuju, Yodong-gun, and Hyeondo-gun were installed in the Liaodong area, and scholars and Ohhwan-jok were staying. Anyway, feeling threatened by Goguryeo's expansion, Yujusa Temple Punghwan, Hyundo Taesu Yogwang, and Yodong Taesu Chaepung formed an allied force and invaded Goguryeo in the 69th year of King Taejo. Perhaps this was the first large-scale clash between China and Goguryeo, beyond the level of a simple border conflict. Huhan forces sweep the land of the pulse between fluctuations and domestic castles and pressure Sonobu's territory located down the Yalu River. After Sonobu lost the position of the leader to the Gyerubu, who was the ancestor of Jumong, he became the second-largest tribe in Goguryeo and the largest dissatisfied force. Knowing this situation, Hu Han-gun was secretly expecting the internal division of Goguryeo. However, it was a generous mistake to relax too early. King Taejo's younger brother, Suseong, revealed his intention to surrender (although it was actually a compromise and negotiation on the right line) to make the Later Han army vigilant, and then placed a military at the point to block the Later Han's advance. Then, they make a detour of 3,000 cavalry and launch a bold operation to surprise empty fluctuations and prefectures of Hyeondo. In an instant, two castles are burned down, and 2,000 generous soldiers are exterminated. After being stabbed in the back, Han disbanded the coalition and rushed to protect their base. As a result, Goguryeo succeeds in preventing the invasion of Huhan. It's not just a success to block, but rather a counterattack in April. Since they disbanded the Huhan coalition, they decided to choose one of them and take a strong blow. Eight thousand allied forces of Goguryeo and the scholars crossed the mountainous area of Liaodong and entered the Haeseong area located on the side of Balhae Bay below Liaodongseong Fortress. As Goguryeo troops moved north from here, the startled Liaodongtaesu led the troops to the south, and the two armies clashed near the nursing home, the middle point between Haesung and Liaodong. Chinese records say that there were only about 100 dead, but the contents show that both Chaepoong and his subordinate staff were killed. Considering that his men threw themselves to protect Taesoo and all of them were killed, it seems that Huhan's Yodong-gun was almost completely wiped out. However, with this victory, fluctuations did not immediately enter Goguryeo's control. Rather, Goguryeo's ordeal began at this time. Jojo's son, King Jovi of the Wei Dynasty, decided to conquer the fluctuations and dispatched the official prosecutor as Yuju's subsidiary to attack the forces of Gongson, who were based in the Liaodong area. He then dispatched Samarui, the nation's top strategist, to finally destroy the Gongson's forces in 238. Goguryeo faced the border with the Wei Dynasty, and inevitable war clouds began to circulate between Goguryeo and the Wei Dynasty, which regarded the collapse of Gongson as an opportunity to make inroads into the Liaodong.