On May 16, 1961, the coup army led by General Park Chung-hee crossed the Han River and took control of downtown Seoul. The Second Republic, which was launched after the April 19 Revolution, collapsed in less than a year. Since then, Korea has faced a period of military administration again. However, even the coup forces promised to transfer the civil government immediately after the coup, and voices to restore the constitutional order increased day by day. The United States, which had an absolute influence on South Korea, also strongly demanded a return to civil affairs. The Supreme Council for National Reconstruction, the supreme governing body, proposed a constitutional amendment with the presidential system and the members of the National Assembly, and after it was confirmed through a referendum in December 1962, the fifth presidential election was held on October 15, 1963.
If the ruling party, which put forward Park Jung-hee, chairman of the Supreme Council, who has held the three powers in one hand for two years and led the military revolution government, had sought strong sores so far (September 14, 1963), the opposition party was anxious from the start. As many as six people, including Yoon Bo-sun, Heo Jung, and Song Yo-chan, ran for the election. It was clear that the atmosphere was unfavorable to the opposition party, except for factors such as a number of opposition candidates and intervention of government authority in the powerful ruling party candidates. However, some opposition parties were preparing a very painful attack on candidate Park Chung-hee.
On September 22, 1963, when the election campaign just began, the election campaign of Yoon Bo-sun, a leading opposition candidate, was held in Yeosu, Jeollanam-do. At this time, a speaker named Yoon Je-sul took the podium. Later, he, who will serve as a sixth-term lawmaker, criticized the harmful effects of the military government with his unique way of speaking, and suddenly shouted with exaggerated gestures as he looked at the hills around the speech hall.
"Jonggo-san, you know. Jonggosan, tell me. You know for sure. Jonggosan Mountain, tell me." Jonggosan Mountain is the name of Yeosu's mountain. Almost everyone there didn't notice what Yoon Je-sul was talking about. Even when reporters asked what he meant, he said he smiled and avoided answering. However, the meaning will soon be revealed.
On the day Yoon Je-sul called "Jonggosan Mountain" out of the blue in Yeosu, candidate Park Jung-hee gave such a speech and gained momentum. "Do you know why the democracy that others like so much, and the liberal democracy that we tried so hard to have, do not bloom in this country?" Real liberal democracy never blooms in places where there is no national ideology aimed at "self-reliance" and "independence." Since then, Park Jung-hee's "national democracy" has emerged in earnest. Then candidate Yoon Bo-sun responds like this.
"During the Yeosu campaign, I had mixed thoughts. The Yeosun Rebellion would not have been done by a person who believes in democracy and nationalism. (…) That doesn't mean that Chairman Park Chung-hee is a communist, but who is a democratic and who is a non-democratic will know when we dig into history and the people will judge." In Yeosu, the background of the Yeosu-Suncheon incident, where left-wing soldiers were extensively purged, it was a moment when I got a sense of what Yoon Je-sul told me to say while singing "Jonggosan Mountain." Candidate Yoon Bo-sun's words can be interpreted as this. "I can't tell whether candidate Park Jung-hee is a red bean or not, but I can tell if she is a red bean if I think a little bit.’
According to the memoirs of Pastor Kang Won-ryong, a giant Protestant in Korea, there were many people digging behind Park Chung-hee after the May 16 coup. They were convinced that Park Chung-hee was a communist. Park Jung-hee's older brother Park Sang-hee was a renowned socialist and was killed by police during the Daegu incident on October 1, 1946, and Hwang Tae-sung, who defected to North Korea as a friend of Park Sang-hee, was arrested for volunteering to communicate with Park Jung-hee. Above all, Park Jeong-hee was convicted as the military general of the Namro Party (South Korean Labor Party). So it was natural that there were many people who were suspicious of Park Jung-hee's thoughts. Yoon Bo-sun and the opposition party brought this issue into the presidential election.
Let's see which one is good at color theory.
"I'm vowing to be a communist before, but I doubt candidate Park Chung-hee hid it (opposition politician Kim Joon-yeon, who was socialist in Japanese colonial era)," "The Republican Party is organized with Communist Party funds." "One of Park Jung-hee's brothers is working in the intelligence community (Yoon Bo-sun)." It seems justifiable that Park Jung-hee is excited that it is "the remnants of old McCarthyism.
With the likely opposition candidates resigning one after another, it has become a one-on-one showdown between Park Jung-hee and Yoon Bo-sun, the opposition party has bet on color theory. Perhaps because they judged that they had secured a lethal weapon to hit Park Jung-hee at once, the opposition party put off the policy confrontation and hung on to the ideological debate. (…) Park Jung-hee approached intellectuals, students, and farmers fascinatingly at the end of the election, while Yoon Bo-sun strengthened her ideological offensive instead of developing the rise of candidate unification into a policy confrontation.
The fifth presidential election is recorded as the fiercest election in the history of Korean elections. The difference between Park Jung-hee and Yoon Bo-sun is only 150,000 votes. Park Jung-hee got 4.7 million votes and Yoon Bo-sun got 4.55 million votes. This record of the minimum difference in votes has not been broken until now. As a result, color theory is analyzed as the cause of Yoon Bo-sun's crushing defeat. Park Jung-hee was behind Yoon Bo-sun in almost all cities, but she was able to sit in the presidential seat after winning in rural areas of Yeongnam and Honam. In particular, he won 80,000 votes in Jeju Island, overwhelmingly beating Yoon Bo-sun with 26,000 votes.
Former President Kim Dae Jung once said this. "Honam, which was occupied by the People's Army during the Korean War, suffered severe punishment for subordinates and the pain of the association system, so the sympathy vote was focused on Park Jung-hee, who was driven to red rather than Yoon Bo-sun, who caused a commotion." The vigilance against the "old Namro Party military general" would have been triggered, but the nightmare of "red hunting" was also alive deep in the minds of South Koreans.
After the election, Yoon Bo-sun declared, "I am a spiritual president." Despite the ruling party's overwhelming organizational power, intervention in government power, and the turmoil of opposition candidates, he will admit that he actually did well as a single opposition candidate, but I think his theory of a "mental president" was a "mental victory" in these days. I agree with the assumption that Yoon Bo-sun would have become president if a fair election had been held. Even so, considering how the color theory he used as a tool for campaigning is abused in future generations and considering that evil influence is still alive, I don't want to give a hand to Yoon Bo-sun's mental victory.
Even if you don't necessarily drive the other party as a communist, one of the easiest election methods is to stigmatize the other party and highlight it. It is much easier and more convenient than focusing on policy and appealing your strengths. Please watch clearly in the 20th presidential election. Which side is writing the theory of color and joy, or whether it is singing pleasure by laying down the other side in a way similar to the theory of color. Or maybe both of them.
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