Mongol Imperialism!

 Mongol Imperialism The Policies of the Grand Qan Mongkein China, Russia and the Islamic Lands duration 1251-1259 Thomas T. Allsen 1. In the 1260s, Mongolia was Poland, Galicia, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Kashmir, South China, Tibet. The invasion of Indonesia and South Korea occurred during the reign of Monke (1251-59). This was done to keep Jingkis Khan's will that Tatar should conquer all countries in the world. Such a huge expedition is possible with months and years of preparation - tactics, terrain, military affairs, and so on - the plan is set up with careful observation and intelligence gathering, and then falls to the generals whose specific and detailed orders are responsible. In the case of an expedition to Iran and Iraq, after it was decided in Kuril Thai, Monke's young brothers, Hula-gu and Jangsu Ked Buka, will lead the advance troops. Ked Buca left Mongolia in the summer of 1252, and Hula-gu, along with the main base, departs in the fall of 1253. Hulegu arrived at Amudaria in 1255 and Tus in Mount Hurasan in 56. The pace of this march is sometimes explained to be not very fast because Hulegu frequently stopped marching to enjoy parties and scenery, but the time it takes to prepare and move troops and supplies should never be ignored. If you look at what is included in the preparation process, first, the power of the military must be nurtured first. This was basically done by recruiting soldiers from various Mongol princes, dignitaries, and royal relatives, who each had to donate a fifth of their troops to the imperial family. The rest were reinforced by Mongolian troops already stationed in Western countries such as Armenia and Georgia, North Afghanistan, the Trans Caucasus, and Asia Minor. The number of soldiers first mobilized was 150,000 and half of them - including 1,000 Chinese specialists in the siege law - were accompanied by Hulegu. It will be understood that such time and the appropriate plan were essential to travel from Mongolia to Iran with such personnel, equipment to mobilize under the siege law, and sheep and goats. Contrary to Mongolian grazing practices, when they moved for military purposes, machos had to be prepared to cover the entire moving section for military horses and sheep. Flour and wine should also be prepared on a regular basis, e.g. on a daily basis. In addition, if an inaccessible river appears, a bridge must be built, and ferry services must be prepared by local boatmen, just as when crossing the Amudaria River in 1255. These matters were the responsibility of Mongolian officials or local monarchs in the area where the army passed. The route of the march and what should be prepared were conveyed in advance by the emperor's messenger. After the rally on Mount Hora, Hulegu's troops first targeted the assassins who were occupying the mountains of northwestern Iran. By 1257, after a fierce battle, most of the assassin castles had been destroyed and leadership had declined. The Mongolian army, which reinforced its strength with a new army, marched to Baghdad by Abbasid Caliph and captured it in February 1958. Hulegu briefly plundered Baghdad and subjugated upper Mesopotamia and Syria. Seojin continued to the battle of Ain Jalut, where Ked Buka was captured by the battle against Mamluk in 1260. At the same time, Mongolia attacked South Song extensively. The expedition, which marched all the way to Yunnan, was made by Monke's other brother, Kublai. In 1253, he started from Gangbuk and attacked Sacheon, Song's territory, and in Unnam, he attacked Namjo, who protected the border as Song's independent state. In 1253, he surrounded the capital, Daeri, and again, Kublai marched upward to defeat the Song garrison in Sacheon. It was after subordinating Annam. Monke died suddenly on 12 August 1259, during a series of gun attacks in Sacheon, Sanso and Annam, resulting in the cancellation of the attack on Song. Hundreds of thousands of people were also mobilized for the Song expedition, and even at this time, elaborate preparations and efforts were mobilized for the construction of numerous fortresses, bridges, ships, and roads. In the 1250s, expeditions to Kashmir, Tibet, and the Rutsu Republic were small, but they were never negligent in their operations, especially during the conquest of Goryeo, which resisted until 1259. Considering the relatively small population of Mongolians (700,000 at the time of Genghis Khan), and the limited resources of the grasslands and forests where they lived, the question of "how did the Mongols acquire the necessary manpower and resources" will naturally. At first, of course, the Mongols were able to expand their populations and resources by mobilizing nomadic and inhabitants of North China and Central Asia by military means. Mongolian troops were only better coached, organized, and trained than their enemies, and generals were able to manage and train their troops and soldiers directly from minimum to maximum during combat. In general, European battles in the Middle Ages emphasized individual soldiers' skills and small-scale tactics. Relatively, he was not interested in the movement or cooperation of the large corps. However, the Mongol army emphasized the latter rather than training individuals or small units. The best example of the movement and control of their main unit, the Tumen (10,000 base), was the defeat of the Lutsu and Kipchak Allied forces, which were outnumbered by battles along the Kalka River in 1223. Mongolia's strategic dominance was made possible by training in the form of huge hunting in which troops participated in units. Collaboration is done in many ways: first the plan is carefully drawn up and then distributed to participants; communication is done in many ways between armies: special messengers, nomenclature, etc. Finally, the training of the Mongolian army is the most important part, but it is extremely strict. No excuse for failure is allowed in the execution of the plan. Individuals or troops who did not show up at the appointed place on time and on the exact date were severely punished. The excellence of the Mongolian army is the biggest factor in Mongolia's early success. However, in order to completely and long-term control the large-scale settlement society of East and West Asia, troops, food, and equipment that could not be provided only by Mongolian society itself were needed. No matter how well-trained and disciplined an army may be, their expansion and conquest would not have been possible without the availability of newly acquired resources. Therefore, Mongolia's management system, which is the most important and easily overlooked of Mongolia's long-term success factors, is a management system that encompasses the Chinese, Muslims, Turks, and Mongolians. The book will defend the thesis that Mongolia has consistently formed the largest empire in human history because of its effective mobilization of people and material resources in the region it was controlling. Once the new territory was received, the resources were quickly received to prepare for the next level of conquest. All the people - nomadic tribes, urban residents, peasants - were needed to broaden the ambitions of the Mongol Empire. When Hulegu's forces camped outside Baghdad in 1257-58, this meant not a clash between Mongolia and Abbasids, but between North China, Central Asia, Russia, the Caucasus, and Iran's economic and physical resources versus that of Iraq. To test the hypothesis above, the author chose Monke (1251-59) as a case study because it was the peak period of Mongolia's expansion and conquest, when Mongolia's resource transfer and utilization techniques were mature and fully implemented. Since access and use of resources are most affected by political power, chapters 1 and 2 will cover the rise and establishment of power in the Mongol Empire, chapters 4 will examine the demographic survey, tax collection, and requisition of new currencies. Overall, the data will be organized from the perspective of Mongolian leadership, not the other party, that is, the subject of Mongol aggression. The data on medieval Mongolia were in Latin, Byzantine Greek, Arabic, Syriac, Persian, Armenian, Georgian, Chinese, Tibetan, Uighur, and Mongolian, which were difficult to study, but could be resolved by looking at reliable translations in major languages. Data on Monke's reign are relatively abundant. This is because the emperor's political and economic leadership greatly influenced the lives of the people of the empire and consequently attracted the attention of many historians and chroniclers. For example, the temple was completed in 1369 under the order of Ming Dynasty, and this data was not systematically organized until after Kublai, so the previous era's was rather poor. Chinese data usually deal with a lot after Kublai. By and large, Persia provides generally consistent and detailed information about the Monke period. Tarikh-i Jahangusha, or The History of the World Conqueror in 1260, is a relatively good source, and the author is Juvayni, a former middleman familiar with Monke's economic and political programs. He was well versed in Iran, Central Asia, as well as Mongolia due to frequent traffic. More important data were written at the request of Gazan Khan (1296-1304), a deacon of Rashid al-Din. He was a historian and a high official. Rashid Aldin left many quotes because the pre-Kublai era relied heavily on Juvayni. The two books are very important as Rashid Aldin is not currently left, but supplemented by Mongolian chronicles cited by Juvayni. Five Genalogies, which Rashid Aldin reinforced butler's butler, is also well known (it is very useful to record the Mongolian prince's names in Arabic and Mongolian, or Uighur characters). The History of Harat, written by local historians, is also useful for showing Monke's financial management system at the local level.

The Armenian and Georgian chronicles are also useful, providing information on the Mongolian expansion from Kirakos of Ganjak (1271) to West Asia, and anonymous Georgian chronicles from the 13th to 14th centuries provide information about the region outside the Trans Caucasus. Sources written by foreigners include William of Rubruck, who visited the Mongolian imperial family in 1254-55, which is second only to Juvayni's. He mentions the Mongolian management system, the nature and attitude of the management, and the relationship between Mongolian princes. Mongolian bisa is excluded after Ogodei, but it is useful for understanding the background of the Monke reign. 2. During the reign of The Rise of Mongke Ogodei, conflicts between the first son of Genghis Khan and the third, Ogodei family, are amplified. In other words, the conflict between each son, Batu, and Old Yuk, was first revealed during the expedition between Root and Kipchak, and as soon as Day died, Old Yuk hurriedly returned home and became absent from Kuril Thai in Batu. Old Yuk became emperor but was not a very good ruler. According to Persian feed, he was chronically ill, but in fact he was a chronic alcoholic. It was to the extent that it neglected state affairs and handed over the enactment of laws, official seals, and badges, which are symbols of authority, to supporters. It also spent all of the state coffers as gifts. In addition, they purchased indiscriminate luxury goods from merchants in charge of Eurasian trade, resulting in 500,000 ingot of post-debt. Old Yuk's relationship with Batu deteriorated, creating friction over the Trans Caucasus. In 1247, a year after his ascension, conflict was at the level of civil war. In 1247, Guyuk declared a "reconnaissance trip" to his territory, Zhongaria, where his actual goal was to launch a surprise attack on the Jochi system. He trained his elite shocktroop and started in 1248, but was spared a collision due to the sudden death of the old man. As soon as Guyuk dies, Batu convenes Kuril Thai himself. In the meantime, the widow of the old family regent. The Ogodei line is excluded, and Jochi and Genghis Khan's youngest son, the Tolui line, participate, and Batu supports the Tolui line Monke. Although he did not participate as a sign of support, he will send troops to the level of 3 tumen to guarantee the safety of the participants. Monke, who was crowned in 1251, was 42 years old and was born in 1209 as the eldest son of Tolui's first wife. Monke was favored by Ogodey and raised by his second wife. He first participated in the last camp attack with Ogo Day, and despite the age difference, he was on a special relationship, and persuaded Day to stay in Mongolia to watch the entire expedition. He also participated in the expedition to capture Kipchak's general and volunteered to join the Riazan expedition in 1237. He also participated in an expedition to the North Caucasus and conquered Alan. Participated in the conquest of Ruth in 1239 to help attack Kiev. When the Old Age returned to Mongolia in 1241, Monke also returned together to protect the family. Monke accepted the whole situation after the Old Age was decided to be Khan, but he continued to be close to Batu and was the first to respond when Batu convened the Kuril Thai. Monke is in extreme contrast to old age. Old meat was prodigal, but Monke was very frugal and hated waste. The most known luxury is a large spring with four alcoholic beverages made in front of the entrance to the palace of Caracorum by his father-in-law Guillaume Boucher from Paris. He was very keen on state affairs and, personally, not an attractive character, was a competent leader. In other words, despite limited experience in paying attention to sharp judgment, drive, and details, it became the basis for being a skillful manager. After his ascension, he punished and destroyed corruption, prince and official suspected of corruption, regardless of location, even those from Iraq and Karakitai, and as a result, Ogodei and Chakatai families were greatly reduced in power. 3. The Politics of Centralization The territories are divided among sons, but only Khan has exclusive rights in relations with foreign countries representing the empire. Although he shared a lot of power with other princes, Ogodei still has exclusive rights to tax collection, awarding government posts, and deploying troops. The right to appoint management covers even the primary and local management of the joint management system. In particular, Kahnman was involved in the appointment of Darugachi, a residential administrator dispatched to Mongolia's major densely populated areas and all local dynasties. The official was a person who controlled and exploited the target people through overall state affairs, such as policy, military power, etc. As long as this official was dispatched from the center, the regional compartments could not be free in terms of finance and management. However, as Mongolia's sphere of influence expands rapidly, each region gradually demands independence. In this situation, Monke set out to eliminate his enemies. Any local Khan or official had to comply if the Dae Khan appointed the person in charge of all military expeditions and Khan called up the troops.   4. The Tools of Centralization Monke prepares for a new expedition at the same time as eliminating static and internal reforms. It advanced in all directions except the north, with little border expansion during the decade between Ogodei's death and Monke's reign. In promoting economic and institutional reforms - systematizing and normalizing the management and finances of the empire - Monke had two purposes. The first is to maximize access to resources to support expansion, and the second is to ensure that government agencies at the central, regional, and local levels are more efficient for themselves. As seen above, Monke's internal and external politics are closely connected.  At the same time, Monke provides a justification and opportunity for his own readjustment inside, and this agreed joint goal is the overseas conquest project. In 1251, the government began to carry out management and financial reforms to formally limit the burden on the ruling people and make them fair. After Genghis Khan, the authorities badges, seals, and jarligh (Mongolian Khan's order or edict) issued by the princes and high officials of the court were collected to block direct public involvement except for the emperor. The next step is to strictly restrict the use of the imperial communication instrument, reverse chameleon, by princes and officials. The use of the communication network is strictly restricted, and the scope of use of horse and food is strictly restricted. It also bans the practice of openly using the system by merchants trading with princes and government officials. The move not only eased the difficulties of households who had to manage and provide resources for the stations, but also somewhat deviated from the practice of residents around them asking for goods and services unofficially in the name of the government. In addition, they strictly restricted the power of the royal princes to their own subordinate statutes, while also prohibiting them from issuing any financial orders even if they summoned the people to their own authority. In other words, even the labor and tax regulations for subordinate citizens must be approved by the central government. Taxes were also included in the category of the people, regardless of their status. Monke pays off all debts with new taxes, despite advice from aides that he is not obliged to pay off Ogo Day and Old Yuk's debts. It then declares that there is no more waste and preferential treatment, and even merchants dealing with the central government are taxed at the same rate as the people of all countries by counting them in demographic statistics. Monke continued to strive to free the ruling residents from the greed of management or the killing of the army in addition to certain taxes. Monke shows keen interest in rebuilding and population settlement of destroyed cities. Monke told Hulegu, who was leaving the expedition, "Save the farmers safely, do not plunder unauthorized, and try to restore the destroyed area." Minimize destruction in war zones. If you violate this, you will be punished regardless of your status. An exception to this is the looting of Baghdad, which is why the first caliph's refusal to surrender is raised. Aleppo and Wasit in Syria, another city that refused, were the same fate, and Damascus survived by accepting Mongolian conditions. Sacrificing Baghdad to scare other cities, or to win bloodless, doesn't seem to explain enough about the Baghdad massacre. The Greeks under the Abbasids regarded the emergence of Mongolia as an opportunity for their liberation and revenge, which the Mongols took full advantage of. In fact, many Christians cooperated with Mongolia and enjoyed Muslim suffering. According to Bar Hebraus, who participated in the killing of Baghdad, "Mongolians cut tens of thousands of Baghdadites with knives, and Christians, Georgians, played a big part in this. Catholics evacuated all Christians to the church and they were not hurt at all." In Aleppo, Christians were hurt, but not intentionally, but by chance. In other words, Mongolian diplomatic practices and religious conflicts in indigenous areas could be said to be the cause of the Baghdad disaster. But broadly speaking, Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Asia Minor, and Iran as a whole have suffered relatively little damage in this rich region. Monke's reforms have worked to some extent. Despite Monke's looting of Baghdad, the level of destruction was less than that of Genghis Khan. According to Juvayni's testimony, Turkestan, which had been under Mongolian control since 1221, was able to serve as an economic and cultural center by almost recovering from the Mongolian invasion of Samarkand and Buhara. The emperor's envoy to Iran in 1959 confirms Juvayni's claim. In other words, these cities are very large and bustling, have a large population, and have abundant agricultural land outside the castle. Soviet scholars, who are very stingy in recognizing Mongolia's positive achievements, agree that trade and urban life in Central Asia have been restored during the Monke re-wish. However, certain areas of Turkestan are examples, as there have been areas that have avoided rebuilding previously excellent cities and agricultural lands for use as pastures. Khurasan's Khabushan was also completely destroyed in the 1220s, but was completely restored in the mid 1250s to include mosques, buildings, bazars and irrigation facilities.

The reconstruction of the city is usually covered by the ministries. Unlike Turkestan, West Asia was limited to opportunities for reconstruction projects as the stage of the Monke's reign of war. There are many examples in China. However, the purpose of these reforms was to use the resources of the empire freely rather than to promote the welfare of the peasants and craftsmen. Monke wanted to use all the excesses for royal purposes, leaving only the minimum amount of the people's needs. During Monke's reign, the Mongol Empire completed embracing people and countries with completely different language, management, culture, society, and economic systems, and despite this diversity, Monke's success in keeping the empire neat is remarkable. 5. Population Registration The technique Census is a very important tool for the country in terms of social control and resource mobilization. In the case of Mongolia, as a key tool, it has also become a means of controlling and exploiting the people regardless of nomads, farmers, and urban residents. The Mongols recorded all of it in the "blue register" and used it as the basis for the enactment of the decree, and held central data on people and land assigned to princes and military commanders. Genghis Khan ordered Article 222 of Bisa, Mongolia, and data show that "unregistered shepherds were summoned and assigned to the military's cloth unit." From this record, it can be seen that the call-up of soldiers in the early imperial era was the main goal of the census. In addition, in the early days, there were few residents among the people, so the target is mainly nomadic. It was not until Ogodei that the systematic registration of residents was made, and from 1234 a partial survey was conducted around China, and in 1236, a survey of North China was completed. During the Ogodei period, Yayulcho, a Chinese-born prime minister, regarded the census as a preparatory process for a Chinese-style management system. At that time, however, Mongolians understood it as a concept of increasing imports and expanding subordinate countries. The next census was proposed by Monke in 1252 with the goal of registering the entire empire's population, which was successful throughout its reign.   Juvayni wrote that in order to collect taxes and register all citizens, Monke appointed Governor Hakiman, Darugachi, and secretaries (kitbah) to various places. The Khanates of each local kingdom had to generously provide the resources necessary to carry out this Monke's instructions, whether administrative or military. The census was completely recorded, which is also "blue register" = 이다이다. There is nothing left about the details of this record. There is also no data on the written language. However, given the importance of the content, it seems that it has been recorded in several languages. Copies would have been recorded in each local language, i.e., Chinese in the case of China, and for Mongolian and central management purposes in Uighur characters. Looking at the ethnic composition of the West Asian census team, it is judged that this will be correct (the accompanying Mongolian of each local official and central dispatch). The basic unit of a census is gahoe. The Novogordo Chronicles also confirmed this, saying, "Mongolian officials rode horses and ran the streets, and Christianity also recorded the house." This tradition comes from the Mongolian tradition of counting the size of the tribe by the number of yurts, or tents. However, the composition of individual households in terms of gender and age is also important. Armenian data show that the names of individual men aged 10 (usually 15-60 years) or 15 years or older (except for women, which differs from those recorded by the Party, Mrs. Songi, and children). The size or proportion of conscription based on the census was always determined in consideration of the rest of the economically responsible population.   The clergy were excluded from this record and paid only part of the servitude, military service, and tax exemptions. This includes not only Buddhism, Taoism, and Islamic Christianity, but also a certain level of intellectual groups, or Confucian-related people related to Confucianism. The exemption, first raised by Genghis Khan, has continued to Ogodei and Monke, and has also been confirmed in data from China, Russia, Armenia, and Georgia. This can be seen as a political gesture not only to show Mongolian attitudes more tolerant of religion, but also to persuade local religious elites to gain the sympathy of the ruling class. For example, Cyril, Archbishop of Kiev, initially supported the anti-Mongolian Prince Galicia and Prince Volynia, but later in 1252 he supported Alexander Nevsky, the pro-Mongolian Prince of Novogord. This was the main reason for the tax cut.   Those who avoided taxes, or fleeing the census, were severely punished, including the death penalty. The census always had to be reported back to the Karakorum immediately after the completion of the census. The reason is that the more recent and accurate the central management's population data is, the less local officials or rulers can use manpower and finances for their own benefit, avoiding central management. Even if there is, it becomes impossible to a large extent. At the same time, the size of the military was checked at the same time, and this content was reported directly to the central government in the same way. This is confirmed by data from China and Iran. Another function of identifying the military population is to record the military hierarchy and establish its lineage through it. In a broad sense, the census records the people and wealth of all the talents of the empire, which identifies the talented and the economic resources. According to Georgian chronicles, their records include "people to animals, from arable land to vineyards, from gardens to orchards." Upon arrival in an area, Mongolia included census acceptance in the contents of the surrender. This means that surrender is not just a military defeat or political subjugation, but also an oath that the conquering nations will actively support the subsequent planned conquest of Mongolia. To fulfill this pledge, conquered countries had to entrust their entire resources to Mongolia's disposal, and because the census was effective in investigating and using these resources, Mongolia viewed surrender and acceptance of the census as the same. From this point of view, it can be seen that Monke's systematic and long-term investment in the census is a political and economic policy conducted with a long-term perspective, not just for short-term exploitation. The Census in China Old Man died after ordering the census in 1247. In 1252 Monke again issued instructions to confirm the increase or decrease in population. This was done continuously, and data from 1255 to 1257 remain. The reason why the survey is ongoing is to identify the newly received regional theorem and the floating population that had deviated from the previous survey. The goal of the 1257 survey was to identify mobile residents. In 1257, the Emperor registered 3,000 migrant households in Honam Province alone.   Muslims in North China were also registered as tax targets for the first time in 1252. Monke's extensive and continuous census data are used even after 10 years of Kublai's ascension. -- Due to the constant war, there has never been a census on the Korean Peninsula. The Census in Iran The first census of Western Asia took place in 1240 in Iran, from Khurasan to the southern Caspian Sea. A more extensive investigation was carried out during the Monke Re-Wish, when orders were issued in 1252. After a long journey from Mongolia, the team began investigating in Iran in the fall of 1253. Officials from the local compartment helped with the work, and attendants from the emperor's direct dispatch were attached to monitor the work. In the case of Iran, like China, the survey was conducted by dividing sections and dividing teams. They surveyed western Iraq, Hurasan, Georgia, and Azerbaijan, each of which was sent by different princes. In other words, the people of Kublai, Hulu, Mogue, and Arigh Boke, the brothers of Jochi and Monke, participated. In most areas, the survey was completed in a year or two, and in Azerbaijan and Iran, it was completed in 1254. The Afghanistan region was completed in 55. The research team consists of Mongolians (or Turks in Central Asia) and Muslims. The census of Mongolia, conducted within the Census in Russia, was called "chislo", meaning "number". It is identical to "shuwarah" in Persian. The first survey was conducted in 1245 (according to the St. Sophia Chronicles), based on which Kiev's population was registered and tributes were collected (by Batu).   Carpini also writes that Monke ordered the census, which led to very frequent traffic between the Goldhorse and the central government in the following years. In 1257, Mongolia ordered a census of all Russian territory and expanded it to Siberia in eastern Urals, including Crimea, Arania, and Kipchak, as well as Christianity in North and West Russia. The details are not forthcoming. The most detailed is the case of Novogord. The news that a census team will arrive here in 1257 makes residents agitated. When the survey team arrived in the winter of 1259, the agitation was heightened to the point that Berkai official felt life threatened. They called on Alexander Nevsky to secure safety and appointed the Knights of the Peerage as security agents. The next day, Tatar officials strutted along the streets with the escorts, and the lower class, who stood in front of the anti-Mongolia in a show of power, accepted Mongolia's demands and accepted the census. They leave the area under Alexander Nevsky's protection even after the mission. In both China, Iran and Russia, the census is usually conducted in winter. The reason is that winter is relaxed in most agricultural societies, and because there are many people at home, management is advantageous for performing tasks. 6. Taxation The Evolution of the Mongol Revenue System By the middle of the 13th century, the empire's tax system was very complicated, including taxes introduced by Mongolia to traditional local taxes (China, Muslim, Turkic) and illegal compulsory collection by princes and officials for individual greed.

Not only are there many types of taxes and the amount increases, but two or three times a year, that is, they were collected two or three years earlier in advance. In this situation, in order to prevent economic collapse and the escape of residents, and to obtain an appropriate amount of tax by the imperial family, Monke reformed the existing tax system. Tax reform will allow only two categories of basic taxes to be recognized. In other words, it is limited to offerings and traditional taxes for all adult men, that is, cultivation taxes for residents excluding nomads, and taxes imposed mainly on trade, commerce, and specific products imposed on urban residents. With this reform, taxes were not only limited to two categories, but also the tax rate in each category was confirmed, and at the same time, tax collection was entrusted only to agents of the central government. Despite this policy, the temporary tax, which was collected on irregular basis, was never eliminated, but the tax was collected only on Khan's agent, used only for royal policy, but not for personal gain. This system was established during the Monke's reign, and later became the basis of Korea's tax system in each region. First, let's take a brief look at the previous system to properly understand Monke's reform.   In the early days of Mongolia, necessary goods were secured mainly through looting, and taxes were generally collected in the form of eleven trillion won in newly conquered areas. According to Carpini, 'one-tenth of all this applies not only to possessions, but also to humans.' This is also confirmed in the Ruth Chronicles, where Batu sent an envoy in 1237 to demand a horse with a man who is one-tenth of the city of Riazan. As for horses, it is very interesting in that they even mentioned the color of the desired horse in detail. During the expedition, additional taxes were temporarily imposed to procure urgently needed supplies. For example, in 1232, Mongolia demanded a certain amount of clothing, horses, leather, and other goods from Goryeo because their equipment was worn out by a long expedition. Similarly, Mongolian general Jebe requires a certain amount of food to Nishapur during the conquest of Mount Horasan in 1220. In Mongolian, all of these collections were called alba-qubchiri, whether regular or temporary. In other words, this term includes subsidiary work, military service, and all kinds of taxes. It is not until the time of Ogodei that the tax system is consistent that the number and amount of walking are limited to residents. A well-known example is Yayulchojae, the prime minister of Ogodei in China, who introduced the tax law to North China in 1229, establishing a new tax law in 1236. Avoiding irregular and inaccurate amounts of tax collection and walking only at a set rate of four categories - land taxes based on quality and quantity - adult male head taxes paid with grain - furniture taxes paid with silk - have eased the burden on Chinese residents for some time. But resurrected as he returned at the end of the coming day. Although there are few data from North China (Toregene, Guyug era), it seems to have been at a standstill considering the characteristics of this period, such as decentralization and rampant local forces. This is why the illegal collection of princes and officials was restricted immediately after Monke's ascension.   At the same time as Yayul Chojae, Mahmud Yalavach, a merchant from Horism, led the tax reform, mainly in Central Asia. According to Juvayni, as soon as Monke was crowned, he enacted his reforms (tax imposition and collection methods), which became the basis for the establishment of the imperial tax system only in Central Asia. While Yalavach's role is very important, no intensive research has been done (he was sent to the West in 1229 to take responsibility for tax collection and stayed until 1239-40). During this period, it seems to have introduced a tax system that is more suitable for the resident economy than the irregular nomadic-style forced collection that spread throughout Turkestan. His taxes later adopted by Monke have two categories. - The annual poll tax on adult men paid in cash - qubchir - cultivation tax - qalar is limited and confirms it (Afghanistan and Sistan).   The above area was Chakatai Korea during the Ogodei and Old Age, and this was the main stage of Yalavach's activities. Of the two tax reforms, Monke demonstrated its true value in Central Asia and adopted the same Turkic method instead of China's. According to Juvayni, Monke's biggest problem was to free the residents from the burden of uncontrolled miscellaneous and temporary collection, while at the same time eliminating tax avoidance. Yalavach's tax category was relatively simple and comprehensive, so it could include all the settlers in the empire. Also, the procedure was simple because it was rolled only once a year. As seen in Harat's chronicle, the basic tax was collected only once a year during Monke's reign. In addition, taxes other than government permits have been eliminated and traditional concepts of taxes have been eliminated, so for example, inheritance taxes have been eliminated in Western Asia under the order of Hulegu. Juvayni testifies that he did this in Baghdad. This seems to be related to the content that the Mongols mentioned in Carpini's travelogue were afraid of the inheritance of the dead.   Another problem to be solved was corruption of officials. After Monke was crowned, he cleaned up corruption management and put him to death. Traditional tax - less farming tax data remains. Taxes unfamiliar to Mongolia, that is, qubchir, tend to pass by only mentioning more familiar commercial and agricultural taxes. Among the regions, China's is the most detailed, made by Yayulchojae, modeled after the Tang and Qin. During the Ogodei period, agricultural taxes were imposed equally on two bushels (35 liters) per household, but after reform of the nightlife, a certain amount of tax was abolished and the amount was imposed differently depending on the amount and quality of land, and the degree of possession of cows or other farm equipment. - The best is 3 1/2 sheng (one tenth peck) / mu (sixth acre). - The middle is 3 sheng / mu - the lower is 2 / mu - irrigation farmland is 5 / mu The rest of the calculation method is not recorded. The collection is managed by tax collection (which occurred after 1230) and this collection method runs through Monke to Kublai. There is little data on the West Asian region, but it is estimated that the ratio was determined by the quality of the land, and approximately one-tenth of the production was collected in taxes based on traditional Islamic tax laws. Geumhod also practiced the Ten-Day System, which appears as an example of Novogardo in the Chronicles of Ruth (1257). In summary, it is inferred that uniform tax collection would not have been carried out in agricultural societies within various empires. This is because it is presumed that the nomadic Mongols generally embraced the traditions of each region because they had no experience in these problems. In other words, reliable officials from the settlement society, namely Yalavach of Central Asia and Yayulchojae of China, were responsible for policymaking in the region and were mostly based on traditional models of the region. Traditional tax - Commercial tax Another tax in the traditional category is a tax on commercial activities and a tax on specific goods. The details of this are not known beyond the agricultural tax. According to the data, the name of the tax imposed on merchants or craftsmen is "tamgha". The Turkic word means "sign," "mark," "emblem," or "brand." Furthermore, it also means "seal. Gradually, the trade tax was called "seal" because it was stamped on the receipt with a special seal to avoid double taxation. Information on "tamgha" is also the most common in China. In China, it is called '稅稅.' It was first introduced to North China by Yayulchojae during the Ogodei period. Yayul convinced Mongolian conservatives that it would be more beneficial for the empire in the long run to collect a moderate amount of taxes regularly rather than looting North China's inhabitants and turning farmland into grasslands. Yayul emphasized to Ogodei that 500,000 ounces of silver, 800 fils of silk, and 400,000 bushels of grain would be collected once his policy was adopted. When the bill was adopted in 1229, it included a commercial tax. In fact, taxes were collected in 1234. In 1229, the tax collection agency "徵課稅所所" was established to collect commercial taxes. Officials selected for overseas tax collection are selected based on the right personality. Each month, they had to submit a collection receipt to the agency, and those who pocketed it or directly involved in commerce were deported for two years or severely flogged. It is not known exactly how much this tax law applied to government officials or to otaq merchants who directly dealt with Mongolian nobles, but it seems that it did not impose much restrictions. Because tortaq was a privileged class until the Old Age and was excluded from duty to most countries. Monke, however, drastically abolished their privileges. Previously, they were given the same treatment as government officials after receiving the "loser" badge, but Monke withdrew it and declared that there was no more special treatment. As a result, reverse medication is not available to them. As they self-burden the transportation and expenses used for their trade, the profit range would have also decreased sharply. Monke also removed tax exemptions for them. In other words, they made them pay the same percentage of taxes as the residents of their area. As a result, tortaq also paid "tamgha" by self-employed merchants and craftsmen. The rate of taxation on commercial taxes is not stipulated in any data during the Ogo Day and Monke's reign, but the headquarters says that 1/30th (ratio to what?) is a fixed rate during Kublai. In Iran, it seems to be one-twentieth of the Ghazan period, but lower than the previous rate. The exact tax rate during Monke's reign in West Asia is unknown, but there is evidence that "tamgha" was collected very much during this period. After 1254, Kirakos reported that fishermen, craftsmen, miners, and factory workers were heavily taxed.

"The Mongols made a huge profit by collecting gold, silver, and jewelry from these merchants." The Georgian chronicle also mentions the imposition of "tamgha," which states that all goods sold on the market were taxed even on sheep and goat meat for the king's table. There is also a record that it was collected in 1259 in the Ruth area. There is not much data on "tamgha," but judging from the Gurgia chronology, it is certain that "tamghachi," which is responsible for commercial tax collection, has been deployed in major metropolitan and urban markets. According to the agency, merchants were inspected for the necessary permits and stamps to enter any city. A toll booth called Octroi was set up at the main gate of the city to engage in the movement and activities of commercial workers. Although not a tax, resale was also an important source of government revenue. Mongolia followed China's monopoly system, and resold the mining and casting of salt, alcohol, gold, silver, and iron. Salt after 1230 and alcohol after 1234 (including vinegar and yeast) were the only targets for resale due to the reform of nightlife before Kublai. Among them, the resale of salt is the most important, and in 1252, Monke designated 1,085 additional households, earning 3,000 ingot per year. Salt monopoly is managed by the salt monopoly office of each region. In addition to China, salt is also sold in Western Asia, Trans Caucasus, and Kumho. Mongol Tribute - Qubchir The most important collection made by Mongolia is the tribute, qubchir. Originally, qubchir, a taxman for nomadic livestock, was changed to the meaning of cash taxes collected from adult men of residents with the introduction of Yalavach's tax system. This is relatively well known compared to the cultivation and commercial taxes. According to the principles established by Yalavach in Central Asia, the tax rate was collected according to the degree of wealth and ability to pay for adult men. According to Juvayni, China and Central Asia paid 11 dinar for the rich and 1 dinar for the poor. In Iran, seven dinars were rich and the poor were one dinar. But the rate did not last long. This is because qubchir had to be lowered to the level that the people could pay in various parts of the empire. In China, qubchir was called '差'' and was collected per household, a traditional concept, not for adult men in other regions. In China, 差는 is divided into 銀과 in silver and 料로 in silk, which is collected per household and introduced by Yayulchojae in the 1230s. One pound of silk per two households paid to the central government, and one pound per five households for local monarchs. After Monke immediately ascended to the throne, 銀은 was absorbed as the second item of 差의 and was set at 6 ounces of silver per household a year. However, it soon turned out to be too burdensome, and there were many opinions that it should be reduced by one-third after 1251. In 1255, Monke reduced 6 to 4 and declared that half of it could be paid in silk. However, this was still a burden, so they had to borrow money from Muslims or Uighurs in high interest rates to pay taxes. Monke, however, confirms this high level of tax rates. In summary, in China, qubchir charges 6 ounces of silver per household per year (later changed to 4), half of which can be paid in silk (this ratio is for the rich). Considering the flexibility of these tax laws, the ratio of taxes seems to have been different depending on the economic situation. In the case of Iran, the petition that the tax rate needs to be adjusted due to the impoverished economic situation of Mount Horasan has not stopped, and Monke considers it in a report. As in the case of China, taxes above the solvency were imposed. In the case of Armeia, the tax collection in 1254 was so absurd that it was also collected from children and women who were exempt. The 1258 reform plan was raised from 7 to 10 for the rich and continued to impose 1 dinar on the poor (though 1 dinar was a big burden on the poor, not a big burden on the rich). However, Argunn, the head of the region, has been granted permission to collect up to 500 dinars from the rich. This is a measure to meet the tax quota allocated to West Asia, and this qubchir ratio is applied until the end of the first column. In Central Asia, the 11-1 dinar rate was applied. Considering that this ratio was observed throughout Monke's reign, the level seems to have been identified relatively accurately. Qubchir was applied not only to residents but also to nomads, but unlike residents' cash, it was paid as livestock. The collection of animals was applied by Ogodei in 1234. One for every 100 animals is a tax rate, but it gradually increases, and according to the decree on July 9, 1250, one for every 10 horses, cows, and sheep was a tax, and those who hid animals were punished. As soon as Monke was crowned, he abolished it and returned it to the level of Ogday. Monke declared a decree on November 14, 1253, saying, "Every animal owner pays one for every 100 animals. Those who hide animals, officials who took bribes, those who did not possess enough wealth to pay taxes for laziness, and those who caused trouble are all sinners." Nomads who own less than 100 were exempt from taxes. This applies not only to the Mongolian-Turkish people of the Eurasian steppe, but also to the Persian-speaking Kurds and Lur people of Western Asia. In summary, Qubchir's characteristics are adjusted according to the economic conditions of individuals or households to be paid, and the ratio is determined by reflecting the differences in economic conditions in major management areas in the empire. Therefore, in the case of Central Asia, which recovered quickly to its previous state, the high rate of the first time was maintained with little adjustment. What this means is that flexible discussions were possible between the central government and regional officials who were familiar with the situation of each region, so that adjustments could be made according to the situation. In other words, the management and financial system of the Mongolian Empire was efficient and harmonious, and flexible and changeable according to the situation of each region. This does not mean that Monke's tax system is fair, but that the level has been set to the extent possible by fairly accurate assessment of the situation. In other words, it can be seen that Monke, who viewed the economy as part of politics, was a realist. Monke is not an innovator. He developed the tax system based on the experiences of various regions and the precedents of his predecessors. In other words, Monke properly combined the conditions and traditions of each region based on the two reformers of Central Asia during the Ogodei period, Mahmud Yalavach, and China's Yayulchojae plan.   In "History of Turkestan" in 1922 Vasilii Bartol'd, "The Money of Taxes", it was very rare that Khan's name was engraved on coins until the Monke's reign, because such coins were found in large quantities, which were prevalent at the time. The accumulation of monetary data over 61 years after Bartol'd's mention proves his analysis. The silver-plated copper coins of the Samarkand discovered in 1226-27 and the silver coins bearing the old name found in Tiffany's (1247) are all of the coins bearing the name of the pre-Monke d'Aquan. However, there are so many of them from the later period that they are commonly found in four regions, Korea, and various countries. As Bartol'd mentioned in the literature and monetary data, Monke partially replaced spot taxes with cash taxes during his reign. Not that much of the tax was collected in coins, but substantial changes began. Taxing in cash makes it possible to travel long distances much longer than in kind (compared to grain). From this point of view, the royal family naturally prefers cash. This is because spot taxes are impossible to transport over long distances, so they remain in local governments, which can escape the control of the central government. Another advantage is that cash makes it easy to get various kinds of goods through trade. For example, cash collected in Armenia can be paid for services in China, but grains collected in Armenia cannot be used in this way. From Monke's point of view, the monetization of taxes has the advantage of first being able to exert direct influence on much of the tax and second being a means of economic flexibility that facilitates the movement of resources in the empire. Among the areas of Mongolian domination, China had the most sophisticated monetary system. Bills had already begun to be used in the 11th century and were in the settlement phase during the Mongol rule. During the Genghis Khan period, some were issued by local officials, but during the Ogodei period, they were issued by the central government. The volume was very limited by the advice of the night watch. The banknotes are revived at the time of the Monke. According to the temple, in 1253, an institution was established to issue bills aimed at public use, and the name was "交擧司"". Other records show that Monke had Bujir oversee the issuance of "precious notes - par-chao". Rubruk kept a record of the note, although no details were left. - "The ordinary money of the circle is a cotton bill, which is the same length and width as the size of the hand, and is stamped here like the seal of a monkey." Although it reappears later, Monke's seal, or "tamgha," often appears on metal coins.   Notes issued during this period were followed by silver and silk. However, it is difficult to obtain any more information from the agency, as the record of the currency system is limited to after Kublai. In other words, there is no information on the type of currency and the amount of circulation. The boundaries between China's right to use banknotes and the use of coins in Central Asia are also uncertain. One clue is that "in Pulad, a city southeast of Lake Balhash, gold, silver and copper are used as money," left behind by Monke's envoy to Hulegu. Coins have 刻이, but no square holes." There is a record. What can be inferred from this is that the monetary system in the movement of Pulad, or the movement of the Uighur Kingdom, was different from that in Central Asia.

In any case, this is a record from the period immediately after the reign of Monke, when banknotes were widely used in the Kingdom of Uighur. In summary, Monke founded the first government-issued organization in 1253. It is not known whether or not the banknotes are for national use.   The date of the first coin to be minted during the reign of Monke in the Chakatai Kingdom was 1253-54. The silver-plated copper coins dirham were minted in Buhara, Samarkand, and Utrar. All of them are inscribed in Arabic as "Mangu Qa'an" and "Mangu Qa'ani". Soviet monetary scholar Elena Davydovicht argues that the latter should not be interpreted as "monke kagan" that scholars have read, but "kagan's money." Because menggu in Mongolian is money and translated into Arabic it became the name menggu in Turkic. It is also because the 'i' of the mother is of Persian.   Gold dinar is also cast in Chakatai territory. All were cast in Buhara, Samarkand and had years after 1257. It is only inscribed with a qu'an, but it all refers to Monke. Of the 145 gold diners discovered near Tashkent in 1255, 76 gold coins of the Monke period had a purity of 50-58%. Prior to the establishment of Japan and Korea, only a few coins were made under Mongolian patronage in West Asia. The first one was a half dinir silver coin from 1244-45. It was cast in Transaucasus, or Ganjak, Tabriz, Nakhchizan, and Tiffany. The inscription of the inscription is very interesting, on one side it says, "There is no God but Allah, and Mohammed is the prophet," and on the other side it is also written in Arabic, "Bek the leader, governor of the Great Mongol Empire." So who is this leader? Candidates include Arghun Aqua, governor of Horasan Mountain and Transcaucasus in 1243-44, and Baiju, general manager of the West Asian army in 1242, more likely the former who was more involved in politics. After Guyuk became emperor in 1245, the contents were all changed to Guyukkan. Now, in 1247, another inscription is inscribed with the power of God / the authority of the Old Six Khan / his slave / David Malik. In other words, under the permission of the Daekan, the country began to issue currencies only in each region. According to Arab historian al-Umari, dinar was cast in the name of Monke or Kublai, not necessarily in the name of Hulegu. Even after Hulegu arrived in Japan in 1257, the name of Hulegu was inserted under the name of Monke. Coins minted in the early days of Monke's reign in Western Asia are predominantly Georgian. Silver coins and fairy tales were minted in the name of the emperor in 1254–55 and regularly minted until Monke's death in 1260. In 1255–56, coins minted in different eight months were discovered. All Georgian coins were minted at Tiffany's and all inscribed with "Mungka Quan / The Supreme / The Justice" and between his name and the symbol mark "tamgha", Khan's personal seal mark. "There is no God but Allah" engraved on the back. A Mongolian coin, a silver fairy tale, was first minted in 1255-56 in Shirvanshah Province, south of Darband on the Caspian coast. The first few years are almost identical to those of Georgia. However, after 1258, Khan / the Supreme / Munkka Qu'an / Hulaku Khan / was also engraved. Monke's "tamgha" does not appear here. The purity of silver coins in 1254-59 minted in Tabriz is more than 90%. There is no gold coin in West Asia at this time. It was found in Harat, the only gold ring with a Monke name, but the date is unknown. Before moving on to Kumho, one thing to point out is that exaggerated phrases such as Manku Qu'an / The Supreme / Possessor of the World / Imperial of the Face of the Earth / are not Mongolian or Turkic traditions. In Mongolian coins, only "qaghan" is expressed. All Monke coins issued in Geumhoard were minted in Bulgar, midstream of the Volga River. The area of use is also limited to the Volgar area.  Both sides are inscribed with - Mangu Qu'an / personal tamgha / the Supreme - Minted in / personal tamgha / Bulghar. Upon careful examination of the data, Monke limited his efforts to coin-casting only to places where there was a tradition of casting before. For example, in the previously traditional Ruth Republic, coin-casting was never attempted. In addition, various currencies were used in Korea in each region of the Monke period empire. In other words, there were differences in bills and coins, and in coins, there were differences like Georgian silver and Harat's gold coins. On the surface, this diversity may seem to have complicated fiscal management throughout the empire, but in fact, at the top of the diversity of regional and regional currencies, as Rubruck's record shows, the entire empire's monetary unit, the ingot. Any currency could be converted into ingot. According to Juvayni, 1 ingot silver was 75 gold diner. In China and Uighur, this unit is also used in banknotes, corresponding to 500 ting = banknotes ch'ao / yastuqsms is also the same as iascot. According to Rubruck, "the king paid with iascot when he paid the father-in-law or when he donated money to the priest by establishing a church." Balish was also used during the Genghis Khan period, but it only plays an important role during Ogodei. By the time of Monke, each local khan had to have a considerable amount of balish to execute the government's business. Later, Hulegu ordered all coins taken from the assassin church to be melted and made into balish. Despite Monke's efforts to manufacture and distribute money as seen above, the amount of money in circulation in various parts of the empire was not enough to pay all of the qubchir in cash. This is the same in China, so there is a part in the temple that says, "Half of qubchir, or 4 liang per household, can be paid in silk." China, where the monetary system has developed, can guess the level of the rest, especially the Ruth Republic. In the case of Kumhoard, there is no evidence that coins were minted outside of Bulgarian. It is unlikely that the coins were used outside of the Great Bulgaria territory, but how did they pay tribute elsewhere, especially in the East Slavic region? .........the strong candidate is "fur." Karpini testified that Mongolia in the late 1240s was habitually diverse in the eastern Slavic region