After the pro-Japanese war in Gwangju, the student movement in the 1980s was the most violent one with flames and anti-American sentiment and self-reliance. The 386th generation. The arson attack at the U.S. Cultural Center in Busan in 1985 and the death of 10 police officers at Dongui University in Busan in 1989. The ringleader has been recognized as a post- Kim Dae Jung democrat, which I don't think is right. The reason for the protest was because of the fraudulent entrance examination. In 1987, when Roh Tae-woo came to power and the suppression exploded, the protests intensified, but in January 1990, the unification of the three parties of the short-term broadcasting program... ...the unification of Roh Tae-woo, Kim Young-sam, and Kim Jong-pil spread indifference to politics. Even for Koreans who have always shown excessive interest in politics, they are not interested in politics in advanced countries If not to that extent. I was shocked that Kim Young-sam, a democracy fighter, was involved. Roh Tae-woo's democratic progress, Moon Ik-hwan, Im Soo-kyung, and North Korea are conservative in white-collar jobs, and the fall of communism, including the fall of the Berlin Wall. As a result, the Ganggyeong University incident in 1991 may not be the last mass protest for college students... After Kim Young-sam came to power and the X-generation of political indifference emerged. It may be exciting on the part of the activist group, but in fact, it is undeniable that this phenomenon has emerged since the second half of the Roh Tae-woo administration. University students are indifferent to politics, leaving only the extreme right to campaign. Of course, Korea is not an advanced country yet, and there are many social problems. But we have to solve it with pragmatic policyism... ...oh, I'm touched... ...oh, the people... ...and if we solve it like this, it's not going to change the power structure, it's just going to change the power hierarchy. Only helping young bourgeoisie get ahead. The common people who are jealous of their rich son... ...are both strong by nature. Well, I think our people have been so interested in politics... ...I envy advanced country-type small citizenship. Germany, France, the United States, Japan... ...even if you're interested in politics, it's like a peaceful civic group... ...both political indifference and excessive interest. In our country, we can't ignore this generational trend that has emerged since the 90s. The Exsu generation is now the old generation, but considering that it is the first new generation of advanced countries. the sons and daughters of a mass consumer society Cartoon generation. ============================================================= It is not new that the nation that is supposed to protect the people's property and lives has become a part of the people's lives without knowing the violence of public power that tramples on the people's lives. The death of Park Jong-chul, who died in a gloomy corner of Namyeong-dong in 1987, and the death of Lee Han-yeol, a tear gas victim of the June uprising, is still alive Under the regime, violence of power is much more stark than in the Korean War. After the June 1987 uprising, Roh said in an election booklet titled The Age of the Great Ordinary People, "I couldn't sleep whenever human rights disputes broke out in the past. I was indescribably ashamed when I heard reports that young people like my son and my daughter, and young people who were worried about their country's tomorrow, were tortured," he said. However, from some point on, in the president's quote, "young people worried about their country's tomorrow" has turned into "left-wing violence," and more riot police are out of the street. It was placed in each element. And Roh said, "Officers who neglect law enforcement will be severely reprimanded and vowed to take full account of the problems that arise from working with conviction in the process. He also comforted riot police admitted to police hospitals and lamented the collection of large amounts of gasoline and iron pipes from the university, saying, "We will correct law and disorder at any cost." Accordingly, it is no stranger to the public to see young people in bad clothes standing in pairs at the entrance of the city's underground or public buildings, and a plainclothes group named "Baekgoldan" chased to the end of the alley, snatched the back, and beat mercilessly. On August 6, 1988, Oh Hong-geun, head of the Central Economic Daily, wrote, "Military Culture to be liquidated," and the Army Intelligence Command carried out the attack on Baekju, eavesdropped, followed, and censored at least 1,303 conscientious democrats. After that, the so-called Public Security Joint Chiefs of Staff was established under the pretext of Pastor Moon Ik-hwan's visit to North Korea, and when the so-called Dong-A Incident occurred on May 1989, the police's protest response method was remarkably hard-line, causing numerous victims. On October 13, 1990, President Roh declared a "war on crime and violence" at Boramae Park in Seoul on the same day when the security guard's illegal inspection and military Jeong Jong-sik's National Congress were exposed due to Yoon Seok-yang's conscience declaration. After the declaration of the war, the Seoul Metropolitan Police Department announced a follow-up measure titled "A Plan of Action under the Declaration of the Great Criminal War," and ordered the front-line police to use guns for illegal violence. The plan calls for completely suppressing state-run facilities and police raids with bold weapons, suppressing siege demonstrations, and blocking street demonstrations, but going one step further from the existing "attack-type suppression", and arresting flamethrowers as much as possible. In response, the riot police unified the tactical goals into "all protesters arrested" in three ways: arresting the leaders of the past, dispersing the demonstrators, and preventing them from regrouping. As the operational goal changed like this, it was revised as follows to the past three-stage tactics of suppression. In other words, it changed to a full-scale and violent appearance in which plainclothes guns (Baekgoldan) jumped at the protesters at once by first stage, displaying their power by deploying conquering forces forward in the first stage, intensively shooting SY-44 tear gas bombs, and shooting multiple bombs at once. In addition, the "protesting and equipment improvement plan," which was ordered by the security headquarters to implement to the national police on March 19, 1991, eliminated the concept of retreat and left only "progress attacks" from repeating "progress and retreat" in a company or platoon. It also introduced a new type of sutra that greatly expands the body price and scope of protesters, adds aggressive attack movements, and allows them to hit most parts of their bodies from top to bottom without any restrictions. To this end, in addition to the existing personal suppression stick, which was only 50cm and 70cm long, 110cn of large bamboo was newly provided, and in the case of plain clothes arrest team, it was provided to two squads of each platoon. In addition, in arrest and performance, the previous method of "retail grabbing" is abandoned and the protesters are held by hitting the body, such as "wrist-lifting," "arm-holding," and "pressing both shoulders." Aggressive movements such as "push and hit" were also introduced in the shield technique. The shield was originally a defense device against dialysis, but it was changed to an attack weapon. As a result, in addition to the old and large shield, which is usually held by the conquering company with both hands, a small oval shield was provided for plainclothes arrest, which was designed to approach and fight protesters with only one hand. The biggest change as the tactical goals changed from dissolution to arrest and defense to attack is the fact that the proportion of plainclothes arrest is increasing among the riot police. Before 1989, the squadron was the main force in the crackdown and the plainclothes artillery was the auxiliary force of the company, and when the demonstration was fierce, the group stood by the company and was deployed to arrest the leaders. When students tried to enter the streets at a protest site in front of a university gate, it was not uncommon for more than 100 to 200 arrest groups to rush into the ranks with clubs and steel pipes in the hail-like tear gas smoke. At the protest site, the Baekgoldan regarded the protesters as "enemies" and treated the detainees as "captives," making it unusual to "kill" the students who were not resisting. The concept of human rights did not remain in the trash can under the structure of police violence, in which students' heads are broken and their eyes are broken, but they do what they have to do for public order, and when they catch protest students, they are given reward leave. Under this perfect structure, Kang Kyung-dae was the subject of the experiment. He was not in the vanguard of the demonstrators, had no firebombs or stones, and was merely a liaison behind the vanguard, so he had no means to defend himself, let alone participate in the demonstration.
And Roh said, "Officers who neglect law enforcement will be severely reprimanded and vowed to take full account of the problems that arise from working with conviction in the process. He also comforted riot police admitted to police hospitals and lamented the collection of large amounts of gasoline and iron pipes from the university, saying, "We will correct law and disorder at any cost." Accordingly, it is no stranger to the public to see young people in bad clothes standing in pairs at the entrance of the city's underground or public buildings, and a plainclothes group named "Baekgoldan" chased to the end of the alley, snatched the back, and beat mercilessly. On August 6, 1988, Oh Hong-geun, head of the Central Economic Daily, wrote, "Military Culture to be liquidated," and the Army Intelligence Command carried out the attack on Baekju, eavesdropped, followed, and censored at least 1,303 conscientious democrats. After that, the so-called Public Security Joint Chiefs of Staff was established under the pretext of Pastor Moon Ik-hwan's visit to North Korea, and when the so-called Dong-A Incident occurred on May 1989, the police's protest response method was remarkably hard-line, causing numerous victims. On October 13, 1990, President Roh declared a "war on crime and violence" at Boramae Park in Seoul on the same day when the security guard's illegal inspection and military Jeong Jong-sik's National Congress were exposed due to Yoon Seok-yang's conscience declaration. After the declaration of the war, the Seoul Metropolitan Police Department announced a follow-up measure titled "A Plan of Action under the Declaration of the Great Criminal War," and ordered the front-line police to use guns for illegal violence. The plan calls for completely suppressing state-run facilities and police raids with bold weapons, suppressing siege demonstrations, and blocking street demonstrations, but going one step further from the existing "attack-type suppression", and arresting flamethrowers as much as possible. In response, the riot police unified the tactical goals into "all protesters arrested" in three ways: arresting the leaders of the past, dispersing the demonstrators, and preventing them from regrouping. As the operational goal changed like this, it was revised as follows to the past three-stage tactics of suppression. In other words, it changed to a full-scale and violent appearance in which plainclothes guns (Baekgoldan) jumped at the protesters at once by first stage, displaying their power by deploying conquering forces forward in the first stage, intensively shooting SY-44 tear gas bombs, and shooting multiple bombs at once. In addition, the "protesting and equipment improvement plan," which was ordered by the security headquarters to implement to the national police on March 19, 1991, eliminated the concept of retreat and left only "progress attacks" from repeating "progress and retreat" in a company or platoon. It also introduced a new type of sutra that greatly expands the body price and scope of protesters, adds aggressive attack movements, and allows them to hit most parts of their bodies from top to bottom without any restrictions. To this end, in addition to the existing personal suppression stick, which was only 50cm and 70cm long, 110cn of large bamboo was newly provided, and in the case of plain clothes arrest team, it was provided to two squads of each platoon. In addition, in arrest and performance, the previous method of "retail grabbing" is abandoned and the protesters are held by hitting the body, such as "wrist-lifting," "arm-holding," and "pressing both shoulders." Aggressive movements such as "push and hit" were also introduced in the shield technique. The shield was originally a defense device against dialysis, but it was changed to an attack weapon. As a result, in addition to the old and large shield, which is usually held by the conquering company with both hands, a small oval shield was provided for plainclothes arrest, which was designed to approach and fight protesters with only one hand. The biggest change as the tactical goals changed from dissolution to arrest and defense to attack is the fact that the proportion of plainclothes arrest is increasing among the riot police. Before 1989, the squadron was the main force in the crackdown and the plainclothes artillery was the auxiliary force of the company, and when the demonstration was fierce, the group stood by the company and was deployed to arrest the leaders. When students tried to enter the streets at a protest site in front of a university gate, it was not uncommon for more than 100 to 200 arrest groups to rush into the ranks with clubs and steel pipes in the hail-like tear gas smoke. At the protest site, the Baekgoldan regarded the protesters as "enemies" and treated the detainees as "captives," making it unusual to "kill" the students who were not resisting. The concept of human rights did not remain in the trash can under the structure of police violence, in which students' heads are broken and their eyes are broken, but they do what they have to do for public order, and when they catch protest students, they are given reward leave. Under this perfect structure, Kang Kyung-dae was the subject of the experiment. The martyr, who did not spearhead the demonstrators, had no firebombs or stones, and had no means of self-defense, let alone participate in the demonstration, was caught and beaten by police officers who followed him while crossing the school wall to avoid them. The fact is that the demonstration itself was blocked, intensified by the demonstration itself, and developed a stronger and more aggressive method of suppressing the demonstrators, changing from dissolution to prevention of re-rallying to attack them all. 02:26:05pm on 29 Mar 2001 Source: Memorial Society of Kang Kyung Dae Yeol.
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