3. The strategic value of Seoanpyeong, known today as the Dandong area, refers to the estuary of the Yalu River, that is, the area where the Yellow Sea and Yalu River meet. Starting in 146 AD, during the reign of King Taejo, Goguryeo continued to project military power to occupy West Anpyeong. For Goguryeo, Seoanpyeong was like an exit to go outside, a path to prevent exchanges of the other party, and a dagger pushed into the neck. Ancient rivers played the same role as today's highways. In an era when there was no power engine, the river was the only way to reach its destination without any physical exhaustion. Moreover, the sea was a relatively dangerous and burdensome road compared to the river as it was a time when maritime operations were poor and navigation equipment such as compasses were not used. The place where Seoanpyeong was located was the estuary of the Yalu River, also called Majasu, where the river and the sea meet. In the upper reaches of the Yalu River, there were Naeseong Fortress and Hwandoseong Fortress, the capital cities of Goguryeo at the time. In the early small country size, defense against foreign enemies and economic utility value were important factors in determining the capital, but after the size of the late country began to grow relatively, it had to be established as a geographical and cultural center that allowed efficient control of the whole country. In order to go to China - the main and only object of foreign negotiations at that time - in the Hwando Province area, which is believed to have been near the domestic castle located in the upper reaches of the Yalu River, there is a way to go through the Liaodong region or cross the current Yellow Sea. However, the Gongson clan, which settled in Liaodong in the late 2nd century, and the Wei Dynasty, which appeared after 238, have changed, but basically formed a hostile relationship with Goguryeo. In order to favor this confrontation, it can be said that having negotiations with another country adjacent to the neighboring country belongs to a basic foreign policy. Goguryeo also launched troops in association with the Wei Dynasty to extinguish the forces of Gongson, and as the relationship with the Yuan Dynasty worsened, it checked the Yuan Dynasty through active exchanges with the Wu Dynasty in the south. Of course, such diplomatic negotiations were impossible on land, and the only remaining way was negotiations through the sea. At that time, Goguryeo did not even take full control of the floating area, and the northern part of the Korean Peninsula in the south was also in the same. Therefore, Goguryeo's continuous and consistent attempts to occupy Seoanpyeong were judged to be fully recognized by policymakers, including the Goguryeo king of the period,* This aspect of Goguryeo's survival can be understood in connection with these external policy aspects. Goguryeo fought fiercely with the military and prefectural forces located in the fluctuating area of Huhan from the time it completed its attack on the conquest and granting of small countries around it in the early days of birth. Of course, there was certainly an economic need to loot products or secure slaves, but Goguryeo consistently continued to struggle with larger forces than itself. This is because, in addition to the economic aspects described above, there was an urgent reason for Goguryeo to continue fighting. The Dongga River basin, where Goguryeo's first capital, Zolbon, was located, was surrounded by a barren natural environment, and Goguryeo people had to accept the fate of fighting to survive. The struggle of the Goguryeo people to obtain a wide and stable cultivated land was the first factor in making Goguryeo a great conquest country. In addition, the Gurye forces, believed to have existed before the founding of Jumong, have already experienced the immigration and alienation policies of the Han Gunhyeon forces after the collapse of Wiman Joseon, and have resulted in retreating the prefectural forces established in their territory about 30 BC. Later, which appeared after that, also checked the integration of the Guryeos through tributes and government posts, and the Guryeos succeeded in frustrating their attempts by controlling negotiations with Han Gun-hyeon. Goguryeo, which had experienced interference from outside forces since its birth, continued to engage in armed combat against the Liaodong area where Han Gunhyeon forces were located to exclude their interference and achieve its own power. In addition, the only Hansa-gun remaining on the Korean Peninsula during this period and the Daebang forces created in the early 3rd century were also decisive obstacles to Goguryeo's survival. In fact, in the war between Goguryeo and the Wei Dynasty in the mid-3rd century, Nakrang and Daebang attack Ye, the southern part of Goguryeo. Goguryeo, which had already entered a hostile relationship with Buyeo, which was located in the northern Gilin area, was literally surrounded by enemies on all sides, and the way to overcome this situation was to cut off their connection. Naturally, the most decisive link was fluctuations and Chinese military and prefectural forces located in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula. At that time, Seoanpyeong was an area that connected fluctuations and the military and prefectural forces of the Korean Peninsula by land, and at the same time was in a position to prevent negotiations through the sea. When Goguryeo occupied this place, it was possible to prevent not only connections through land but also exchanges through the sea. In other words, the stomach was pressuring Goguryeo with a wide range of siege networks leading to fluctuations - Seoanpyeong - Nakrang and Daebang, and Goguryeo had to crush this siege not only for its own development but also for survival. The last thing to look at is the West Anpyeong area in terms of defense. As discussed earlier, Seoanpyeong is an area that can be directly connected to Goguryeo's capital or the upper reaches of the Yalu River, in addition to its location to prevent negotiations between fluctuations and Chinese military and prefectural forces on the Korean Peninsula through land and sea. Politics in which the center of the country becomes a battlefield for Goguryeo even if it wins the defense battle if the forces hostile to Goguryeo go back the Yalu River and directly attack the domesticity or Hwando Castle. It is self-evident that it will suffer an economic blow. For example, after the invasion of the official sword in 246, King Dongcheon temporarily had to move to Donghwangseong Fortress, which is believed to be today's Pyongyang area or Ganggye area. In April 244 or 246, Goguryeo suffered the greatest disaster, except for the invasion that took place about a century later and the fall of Pyongyang, which took place about four centuries later. In the fall of the 20th year (246) in August, the Wei Dynasty sent Yujusa Temple's official sword to invade from the prefecture with 10,000 people. The king had 20,000 infantry and cavalry, fought and won by Biryusu, and cut 3,000 heads. He also led the military and fought again in the valley of Yangmaek, won, and cut or captured 3,000 people. The king told several generals. "The Great Army of the Wei Dynasty is worse than our enemy, and the official sword is the master of the Wei Dynasty, but today [his] life is in my hands." Then, he went on to attack with 5,000 ironware. When the sword struck a square camp and fought desperately, our army was greatly destroyed and there were 18,000 dead, and the king fled to Yaluwon with 1,000 cavalry. In October of winter, the [Gwangu] sword attacked Hwando Castle, captured it, killed people, and sent the general Wanggi to chase the king. The king fled to Namokjeo and reached Jukryeong, but almost all of the soldiers were scattered and disappeared, and only Milwoo of the eastern part was next to him and told the king. "The chase is coming close now, so we can't get out of the situation. I will cleanly prevent God from dying. The king will be able to run away." Finally, he recruited associations and went to the enemy camp with them to fight hard. The king sneaked out of the mountain valley and escorted himself, saying, "I will reward those who come to Milwoo generously." Yoo Ok-gu from the lower part came out and said, "God will go," and soon came back with Milwoo lying down on the battlefield. The king laid him on his lap, and he woke up after a long time. The king secretly turned around and reached Namokjeo, but the soldiers of the Wei Dynasty did not stop following him. The king was at a loss because the room was blocked and the spirit was broken, but Yuyu, an eastern person, stepped up and said. "The situation is very urgent, but we can't die in vain. God has a foolish scheme. He takes food and provides it to the soldiers of the Wei Dynasty, peeps into the gap, and tries to stab the general to death. If God's scheme succeeds, the king will be able to attack and win the game. The king said, "Good." Yu Yu entered the army of the Wei Dynasty and falsely surrendered and said. "Our king was guilty of the great war and ran away to the beach, but he had no land to put himself on, so he came out in front of the camp to surrender and take his life, and first sent me to bring in unchanging food and feed my subordinates." The Wei leader heard that and tried to surrender. Yu Yu hid the knife in the tableware and moved forward, pulled out the knife, stabbed the heart of the Wei Dynasty's general, and died together, and the Wei Dynasty's army finally became dizzy. The king divided the military into three ways and attacked in a hurry, and the army of the Wei Dynasty became noisy and could not form a military camp, and finally withdrew from the Nakrang. The king restored the country and discussed the merit, and Milwoo and Yuyu were the best. Milwoo was given a giant valley and a blue-necked valley, and Okgu was given a Yaluwon and Dunulhawon as Sikeup. Yu Yu was granted a government post, and his son Dow was appointed as a great messenger. During this war, General Wei of the Wei Dynasty reached the southern boundary of Suksin and carved the ball on a stone, and also reached Hwandosan Mountain and engraved the ball on Bulnaeseong Fortress. Previously, King Dongcheon's servant Deukrae saw the king invade and betray China several times, but the king did not listen. Deukrae lamented and said, "You will see mugwort on this land in the future," and eventually died without eating. The government prosecutor ordered all the soldiers not to break down the tomb and cut down the tree, and the wife-in-law was taken prisoner, but all were sent away.It is written in the parenthesis as follows. Bulnaeseong Fortress is a domestic castle, but the castle was made of stones.』 This means [that] the exchange rate and the domesticity were in contact with each other.
This is what is written in the book. When the king sent a general to attack Anpyeong while Sama's subjugation of Gong Son-yeon, the official prosecutor invaded.】』 Fortunately, the 20th year of King Dongcheon's reign (246 AD) of the Three Kingdoms Sagi Goguryeo, this war has detailed records in the Three Kingdoms Sagi, and although it is simplified, the same records remain in Chinese librarians. However, as always, the author of the Three Kingdoms Fraud based on Confucianism described the cause and progress of this war and the most important cause of victory and defeat as a typical Confucian cadastre. Therefore, the war record also concluded that Goguryeo's defeat and the fall of Hwandoseong Fortress was only due to the pride and misjudgment of King Dongcheon, and made the mistake of simplifying or distorting the most important parts of the war by writing a description about the heroes who saved Goguryeo in danger of collapse. Looking at the remaining records alone, the cause, progress, and end of the war are recorded easily and in a single line. The official sword of the Wei Dynasty broke in, and King Dongcheon, who won the first two times, fell into pride and eventually lost greatly, and saved the country in crisis thanks to brave and loyal servants who did not take care of their lives…Perhaps the cadastre who wrote this article wanted to inform that the people who read this article should not fall into the same pride as King Dongcheon, and that the servant who serves the king should be loyal enough to take death lightly. But was that really the only thing left behind by the war that took place at that time? Was the pride and misjudgment of King Dongcheon the only problem that determined the victory or defeat of the battle? The articles are also published in the Three Kingdoms Wisterial and Yangseo, but they are not as detailed as the Three Kingdoms Sagi. This means that the editor who recorded this part referred to the records of librarians other than Chinese librarians, and the records of librarians different from those of Chinese librarians are our own records.More precisely, it is the fact that this war existed when the writings recorded with Goguryeo people's eyes and minds compiled the Samguksagi. In the 11th year of King Yeongyang's reign (600 A.D.), Dr. Lee Moon-jin's simplified Yugi had the above record, and it is highly likely that Kim Bu-sik reinterpreted it by referring to the records left by Goguryeo itself. First of all, the most questionable of the war records is the total number of troops in the Wei Dynasty, led by the official prosecutor who invaded Goguryeo at the time. The number 10,000 is consistently shown in Samguksagi and Chinese librarians. Even if the troops led and attacked by Nakrang and Daebang Taesoo are excluded, there are several problems to believe this number as it is. First of all, according to the records of the Three Kingdoms fraud, 3,000 people were killed or captured in Biryusu and Yangmaekgok, respectively. Therefore, the size of the Wei Dynasty troops fighting the third battle is only 4,000 people. Of course, even with such dense dust, 5,000 mid- to long-term troops can be defeated. But humans have something called emotions. Marine or SCV in StarCraft approaches the direction of the mouse without thinking, but humans who are strictly trained by discipline often kneel down in front of fear. In addition, 6,000 people were killed or captured in two battles, but were the remaining 4,000 people able to achieve proper combat power? Due to the nature of the cold weapons used in the ancient war, there would have been a number of injuries, and since they were retreating, it would have been almost impossible to properly treat them and return to the battlefield. In most of the writings that dealt with the war records, this part was overlooked or exceeded too easily. However, if the two battles in the Samguk Sagi were true and the number of casualties in this battle was correct, the third battle could not have occurred. In addition, even if 5,000 mid- to long-term troops were defeated by the dust created by 4,000 people, it is a matter to consider whether they could fight again with the remaining 15,000 troops they were following. If the rest of Goguryeo's troops saw the collapse of the iron and retreated in confusion, or other Nabu's price, who did not approve of the battle against the Wei Dynasty, may have voluntarily left his troops on the battlefield. However, even if that was the case, could the Wei Dynasty really have enough combat power to exterminate all the remaining 15,000 troops that were retreated or gradually deployed? First of all, 10,000 people listed as the total number of troops in the official prosecutor's office are likely to refer only to the regular legions of the Wei Dynasty belonging to Yuju. China's librarian did not mention much about the fact that the troops led by Oh Hwan's Sunwoo, who was subjugated as an auxiliary force at the time, participated. In addition, if there were 20,000 troops led by King Dongcheon at the time, including 5,000 ironware, and 10,000 or 4,000 troops led by the government prosecutor, King Dongcheon told various generals. There is no reason to say, "The Great Army of the Wei Dynasty is worse than our enemy, and the official sword is the master of the Wei Dynasty, but [his] life is in my hands today." If the Goguryeo army was 20,000 and the Wei army was less, King Dongcheon could have been happy with the victory, but there was no reason to be thrilled by defeating the large army with a small army. The progress of the battle, which can be estimated from the remaining records, is that Goguryeo's ironware rushed toward the Wei Dynasty army, which had been waiting for dust. Although the mid- to long-term soldiers' breakthrough power was strong, it is not easy to crush the battle of infantry defending using windows and arrows in dense conditions. Of course, the victory or defeat of the battle in this way is who can endure longer and how much blood can be shed. First of all, what is certain is that Goguryeo's mid- to long-term soldiers failed to destroy the dust created by the unknown Wi Dynasty forces. Rather, the ironware stopped in front of the infantry's dust would have been slaughtered by the infantry. In the meantime, the Ohhwan cavalry, who were not participating in the battle, would have launched an attack toward the main camp of Goguryeo forces in the back with a wide siege on both sides. If the number of Ohhwan cavalry was small, it could have used breakthrough tactics like Alexander in the Battle of Gaugamela. The question is why Goguryeo's iron rushed toward the Wei Dynasty army, which was waiting for dust. Can this be explained simply by the misjudgment of King Dongcheon, who had already fallen into pride with two wins? The overall progress of the battle can be seen from the Goguryeo side as the final stage of reaching the offensive point and chasing and extinguishing the retreating enemy. On the Goguryeo side, not only King Dongcheon but also the commander of the unit unit, but also the soldiers who stood in the battle line would not have suspected defeat. Although it is difficult to avoid the responsibility of charging ironware in the dust of dense infantry, the strategy of chasing and extinguishing the retreating enemy itself has no problem. In that context, there is a possibility that the two previous battles were perhaps incentives planned by the government prosecution from the beginning. In any form of war, there must have been no enemy as powerful as the other person's pride. The remaining records are clear, unclear, and look the same, but when you go into the details, they don't make sense or even the timing of occurrence is wrong as the title suggests. Why did Goguryeo and Weinara talk about different things even after experiencing the same war at the same time? The possibility can be considered in two ways. One can be thought of in terms of the fact that Goguryeo won twice before losing due to regret and contempt of defeat, and that they hid their defeat in Chinese librarians to set an example for future generations. In fact, except for the two combat records that took place before the third battle, there are too many different records on both sides except for the outbreak and early progress of the war. The decisive year of the battle was also Goguryeo's fall in October after the defeat of three battles and the third battle in August 246, but the Chinese record is consistent with the record that the battle took place in the 4th year of regular time (244 AD), and the next year again the government sword attacked Goguryeo. The official sword monument, which was discovered at a road construction site 17 kilometers northwest of Gaesi in 1906, is said to have gathered troops in 243 and attacked Goguryeo in 244 and retreated in June 245, but controversy continues. In this case, ordinary historians often put more weight on the records of Chinese librarians. The main basis is that the record time of the Three Kingdoms is ahead of the History of the Three Kingdoms, but the idea that the record of the same period is always close to the truth may be a hasty view. If Goguryeo manipulated the record, there was no reason to say that it recorded a battle and its casualties that would not have won. It would have been better to bravely fight an unknown enemy and write down the fact that the enemy was forced to retreat because the number of enemies was too large. In addition, if the records on Yuyu and Milwoo had been manipulated, the shameful records that the king abandoned the capital and fled to the Okjeo area would have been manipulated as well. The time of the war also has a decisive problem that is completely unbelievable in 244 years mentioned in the Three Kingdoms. In August of autumn, Yujusa Temple in the Wei Dynasty established Goguryeo with Nakrangtaesu Yu or Yu and Sakbangtaesu Wangjun*. Taking advantage of the gap, the king sent the chief Jinchung to raid and take away the residents of the outskirts of Nakrang. When Yu-mu heard this and got angry, the king returned the people, fearing that they would be invaded.』 Among the records of the 13th year of King Goi's reign (246 AD) of the Three Kingdoms Period, KEPCO recorded the presence or absence of Nakrangtaesu and Daebangtaesu Gungjun fighting with the Hanui Shinji over the issue of the incorporation of the strong Palguk. In the Three Kingdoms, it is said that it was destroyed by resentment, but there is also a record that Daebangtaesu Gungjun was killed, so it is judged that it was not a one-sided victory between Nakrang and Daebang.
In the same book, the records on Dongye show that Nakrang and Daebang defeated Dongye in the 6th year of regular time (245 AD) and received the surrender of fire and fire. If all three records were made based on facts or facts, combining the three records reveals the following progress. In 244 or 246, the official sword of Yujusa Temple above invaded Goguryeo, and the troops of Nakrang and Daebang, who existed in the south of Goguryeo, also collaborated with Goguryeo under the direction of Gungjun. b. The goal of the attack of the troops dispatched from Nakrang and Daebang was to be subordinated to Goguryeo at the end of the Later Period. c. Baekje or Mahan invaded Nakrang and Daebang while the military forces of Nakrang and Daebang moved north. The reason why a country in Baekje or Mahan attacked Nakrang and Daebang is presumed to be because of the opposition to the expansion of the influence of the two counties on the region. ㄹ. The battles between Nakrang, Daebang, and any other country in Baekje or Mahan were so fierce that Daebang Taesu Gungjun was killed. In the Samguksa Temple, it is said that King Goiwa of Baekje returned the looted people for fear of invasion, and in the Samgukji, it is said that Han was destroyed. However, if the object of the battle between Nakrang and Daebang was Baekje, the record that Han was destroyed is not true* Gungjun, who died at this time, has been confirmed to survive up to 6 years on time, the time of Dongye Invasion. In other words, it is because the current Do Taesu Wanggi, who visited Buyeo during the Goguryeo invasion of the official sword, was recorded as Daebang Taesu in the 8th year of regular time.(In the Three Kingdoms)Oh Hwanseon Bibijeon...Japanese) Therefore, the battle in which Gungjun was killed can be seen between 6 and 8 years on time, that is, 245 and 247. Excluding 247 as the end of the battle, it means that at some point in 245 and 246, the forces of Han and the forces of the two forces clashed. If so, the time when the Nakrang and Daebanggun invaded the art for cooperation with the official sword is also one of the two years, 245 and 246. That means that the time when the official prosecution first invaded Goguryeo was 245 or 246, which means that 244 should be excluded. Perhaps there was a possibility that they started preparing for expedition while seeking cooperation with Buyeo, Nakrang, and Daebang for Goguryeo invasion, or dispatched some advance teams to occupy part of Goguryeo's territory, but it was not a full-scale invasion. In addition, the Three Kingdoms' King Banggi records the invasion of Goguryeo by the official sword in the 7th or 246th year of the regular period, the fall and the attack of the opponent, and the subsequent battle between the two forces and Han. In particular, dozens of countries, including Han Na-hye, surrendered during the King Banggi.Since there is a record of Books, it is causing greater confusion. However, it cannot be said that it is a one-sided error because both records were recorded (three kingdoms) at the time or at least based on records (three kingdoms fraud) left by the parties who experienced themselves. Therefore, when looking at all these records comprehensively, it is highly likely that the government prosecutor's invasion of Goguryeo and the resulting battles between Nakrang, Daebang and Han took place one by one from the preparation period of 244 years to the end of the war in 246. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ * The name of Daebang Taesu is recorded as Wangjun in the History of the Three Kingdoms and Gungjun in the Three Kingdoms. * Han's Shinji, who fought against Nakrang and Daebang from the Three Kingdoms, is usually viewed as the late king of Baekje in connection with the records of the Three Kingdoms, but some scholars view it as Mahan's pastoral country. The view is that the war weakened the power of the pastoral country and led to Baekje's expansion of power, but it is unlikely that Mahan, who skipped Baekje, which borders Nakrang and Daebang, will have an armed conflict with the two armies. +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ 5. The story of the three lights surrounding death If the conflict between the Wei Dynasty army led by the official prosecution and the ironing of King Dongcheon was highlighted in the first half of the war article, the highlight in the second half is about King Dongcheon and heroes who did not waste their lives to save him. Goguryeo, like other conquering countries, could not completely control or exclude the ruling class or existing rulers. Therefore, most of the political systems of Goguryeo in the early days tended to be viewed as a loose combination of the Federation Kingdom and the Township States, and recently, the sub-system...In other words, it is understood in terms of the establishment and development of a kingdom through the union of each department. As a result of this inevitable result, Goguryeo's early founding leaders engaged in independent conquest activities and revolted against the king, causing armed conflict with the king's army. In this situation, Milwoo, who rushed to the enemy camp to save King Dongcheon, Yoo Ok-gu, who saved him, and Yu Yu, who abandoned his life and killed the enemy commander, must have impressed not only the same era but also future generations. I think that the existence of values more precious than human life can never be judged as long as war or death continues to be next to humans in the future. Moreover, fighting to protect something without taking care of one's own life in a special situation of war would have seemed as beautiful and reverent as its desperation. One... Burning Red Light - Milwoo, recorded only as a person in the eastern part of Milwoo, led the association to save King Dongcheon, who was surrounded by the enemy at Jukryeong in Namokjeo, and fought with the enemy to give the king time to escape. In terms of the expression association, the size of the unit led by Milwoo would be very small compared to the enemy chasing it. Of course, it cannot be done with ordinary courage to lead a small army and enter the enemy camp. Later, during the aftershock of Goryeo, Cheok Joon-kyung led the association and defeated the enemy outside the castle, and during the Mongolian invasion, Kim Kyung-son of Gwijuseong also led the association and attacked the Mongol army. I don't know how large it is, but unlike Milwoo, who volunteered, there must have been soldiers who were forced to go, and even if they were prepared to die, they could have changed their minds if they saw enemies of a large scale in front of their eyes. The only way to prevent these various thoughts is for the commander to take the lead in fighting. And maybe Milwoo was injured while fighting in the lead or collapsed exhausted. King Dongcheon ordered to save Milwoo, who did not return from the battlefield, and Yoo Ok-gu of the lower part carried Milwoo on his back, so the chase team seems to have also suffered considerable damage and stopped chasing. It can be said that the action shown by Milwoo is a universal form of loyalty that the lower one shows to the higher one to the king. And it can be said that the king's actions to save Milwoo were also shown to the subordinates by a high person. After this fight, Milwoo cannot leave his name in history again. Considering that only the name Dongbu appears in front of the name, it is presumed that the official lanterns were not high or there were no official lanterns at all. Two... Pure white blue light - Yuyu, an eastern person like Yuyu Milwoo, shows a more sacrificial and holy appearance. If Milwoo's brave action was to stop the enemy for a while, the sacrifice of Yuyu was an active action to defeat the enemy. The boundary between death and life on the battlefield is very faint and close. However, there is a lot of difference between death and life being unclear and death being certain. The situation that Milwoo was in was difficult and difficult, but there was a slight possibility of surviving, and he actually survived, although he was seriously hurt. On the other hand, Yuyu would not have had the idea of surviving from the time he first talked to the king, and the fear and fear he had inside are unknown, but as he said, he succeeds in saving the king from the crisis by throwing his own life. The scheme that Yuyu put into practice by throwing his own life would have sought two effects. One was to confuse the chase by killing the commander of the chase and catch a clue to the counterattack, and to agitate the king and colleagues who were obsessed with defeat and fear due to their own death. In fact, after Yu Yu was killed with the enemy commander, King Dongcheon recovered the remaining troops and attacked the chase to win. The defeated pursuit forces are hit so hard that they cannot retreat due to fluctuations and retreat to the south's fall. If the army was enough to flee to Namokjeo with King Dongcheon, it would be side workers and subordinates who were loyal to the king, and they would have thrown away the fear and fear they had raised in their hearts and rushed to the ranks of the enemy while watching the leisurely death. Although the commander was suddenly killed, it would not have been so dominant in number if the chase had retreated to the south's fall without overcoming the counterattack of the troops led by King Dongcheon. Yuyu probably died next to the enemy commander he killed in the middle of the enemy camp. He may not have seen the Goguryeo army's counterattack after his death, but I think he was able to claim his own death not only because of his loyalty to the king, but also because of his trust in his colleagues who would overcome his death. Yu Yu was later appointed as a district magistrate by King Dongcheon, and his son Dow was also offered the post of ambassador. It is not known whether this is really an appropriate reward for the behavior that Yu Yu showed at the last minute. Three... Deep and heavy gray - When you look at the war records of 246 years of deukrae, there is also a brief story about deukrae. However, it shows a completely different appearance from what Yuyu and Milwoo showed to the king. Thanks to this, the previous two seem to be weak or fading, unlike their names so far.
Furthermore, Deung-rae's policy of telling the king - insisted on peace and peace with the stomach, which would have naturally insisted on abandonment of the West Anpyeong region, the south's fall, and coexistence with the Great Bang - would not have been well received by the king as other warriors or leaders, and even accused of coward or traitor. But he didn't give up his argument, and eventually he lost his life because of it. Whether he lost his life because he didn't eat himself or because of this, he was guilty of being hated by the king and died, but eventually he died because he did not bend his argument. The official sword, who captured the Hwando Castle, listens to the story of Deungrae and prevents him from destroying his tomb and releases his captured family. The reason why the government prosecutor did this would not be to truly respect Deukrae, but to laugh at the foolishness of the king who did not listen to his servants, which led to death for Goguryeo, and his name was either taken away or taken away from people's memories. However, as a result, the argument of gains and losses was correct. King Dongcheon, who could not return to the destroyed Hwandoseong as predicted by Deukrae, had to move to Donghwangseong Fortress, and the ruined Hwandoseong Fortress would have grown abundantly. It is believed that the peace policy that Deukrae claimed did not fit the atmosphere of Goguryeo at all at the time, and that Deukrae would not have accepted his claim if Deukrae's will was true. Nevertheless, he did not back down his argument. Like Yuyu and Milwoo, he was also recorded as a servant and had no government office. If Yuyu and Milwoo's fight with a knife showed their own loyalty, his argument is also different in a cool way, but in the end, it can be said that it is a testimony for the king and the country. War is often used as an extension of politics or part of politics. Furthermore, some see it as another form of politics. People who cause war often persuaded and instigated people with the excuse that they were forced to go to war to resolve conflicts and solve problems. However, the history that has passed shows silently that war is another spark of problem and often leads to new conflicts. Contrary to the expectations of Deukrae, even if King Dongcheon defeated the official sword, occupied the West Anpyeong, and blocked the connection between Nakrang and Daebang, it was only the beginning, not the end. Unless Goguryeo's capabilities completely annihilate the military power of the Wei Dynasty.It was self-evident that the war would continue unless Wi gave up Seoanpyeong and the two armies, and in the end, Goguryeo, which had relatively weak national power, could suffer more damage. In fact, the Wei Dynasty army, led by the government prosecutor, has advanced to the vicinity of Hwando Province, the capital city, without much resistance, and all villages and agricultural lands on the route would have been destroyed. If it was August of the lunar calendar, all crops that would have been harvested or just before harvest would have to be given up. As explained earlier, for Goguryeo, Seoanpyeong was a strategic point that could never be abandoned and the only way to cut off the siege threatening survival at once, and Goguryeo's continuous and persistent attacks meant that Goguryeo people of the same period were also well aware of this. Personally, I also believe that Goguryeo must have occupied West Anpyeong at all costs. However, I think it is worth considering the argument of Deukrae at least once.
