The Joseon Sarimists and the 586 politicians of Korea.

 It will not be easy to find political forces that have attracted as much attention as the Sarimists of Joseon in our history of the Joseon Sarim and 586 political circles. The Sarim group, represented by Jo Gwang-jo, received a lot of support as it fought against the Hungu group, which engaged in embezzlement and corruption. Yulgok Yi I even wrote in Seokdam Ilgi, "When Jo Kwang-jo became a great priest and enforced the law fairly, people who were moved flocked when he went to the city hall and accepted, 'Our Sangjeon (meaning owner)'." The reason why the Sarim faction was able to overcome the four ambassadors of the Hungu faction and take power was also because the more suppressed the people were, the higher the people's trust was. The people had no doubt that if the Sarimists took over the regime, Taoism politics would unfold, and based on this belief, the Sarimists took over the regime at the end of King Myeongjong and early King Seonjo. However, since taking power, Sarim's move deserves to be called "the betrayal of scholars." The Sarims, who split into two at the same time as they took power, fought against the Hungu faction more than when they fought the Hungu faction, so that was the party dispute. Apart from being extremely incompetent during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Sarimpa took a past-oriented path of strengthening the Neo-Confucian order, contrary to the general people's desire to overcome the old Neo-Confucian order and establish a new society after the rebellion. The result was a decline from progressive forces to water polo forces. To put it bluntly, Sarim's not in power was just a political group that would have been better for himself or for history. This is because their historical utility was in the degree of attacking the heart of the Hungu faction, not in power. When looking at the current 586 politics, the reason why it reminds me of the Sarim sect of Joseon is that there are so many similarities. These include strong ideological orientation, extraordinary solidarity, and persistent struggle with mainstream social forces.It has been only two years since the 586 politicians have emerged as the mainstream of the regime, so at this point, it will be determined the success or failure. However, it is clear that it is difficult to say that it is successful based on the interim performance of the current administration's two years. The biggest reason for this poor evaluation may be the economic crisis, which is more than the IMF financial crisis. The 586 politicians should humbly accept some criticism that they are interested in ideological issues and are not interested in the economy. This year, politicians fought to die and live due to ideological and economic problems, regardless of the ruling and opposition parties, and are still fighting, but this is far from most people's interest. Today's reality is that if the interest of the people above the middle class is in well-being, the interest of the middle and lower class people lies in survival itself. A recent article says that the five-year-old son of a small resident in his 30s who lost his job died of malnutrition, raising doubts about whether we really live in the 21st century. How can a person starve to death in this country today, neither in the Joseon Dynasty nor in Africa? Many economists, especially overseas economists, who can see Korea's economic problems more objectively, tend to find Korea's economic downturn outside of the economy, that is, politics. Whether this analysis is correct or not becomes self-evident by looking at what the National Assembly is fighting for today. The Republic of Korea National Assembly is still "their own league" in its 16th and 17th generations.If even the 586 politicians, or 586 politicians, continue to take the lead in pitching their own leagues, they may fall into objects of overcoming, as the Sarimists of Joseon did. In order not to do so, you will have to quickly turn your vision to the suffering poorest because you can't find a meal microscopically, and macroscopically to the world and the future. When armed with these realistic, open, and future-oriented values with the existing clarity, they can be the hope for future Korean politics.586 politics may now begin in some way. The answer will lie in future steps.