Anti-Japanese War of Independence and General Ji Cheongcheon of Baeksan Mountain. 9. Formation of the National Revolutionary Party. (3)

 The party of the early National Revolutionary Party seems to have 2,000 members, and each regional organization initially tried to organize the Shanghai branch, the Namkyung branch, the Hangju branch, the Guangdong branch, the Sacheon branch, and the Manchuria branch. After that, it entered the actual organizational stage and organized the Hwajung branch, the Hwanam branch in Guangdong, and the Hwaseo branch and the Hwadong branch, which designated Namgyeong, Shanghai, and Hangju as districts from August to October 1935. Several conflicts seem to have been created in organizing regional requests. For example, the Hwanam branch rejected the branch manager dispatched to the center, and Choi Dong-oh was dispatched again to deal with it, but failed, and eventually Ji Cheong-cheon and Yoon Se-ju went to the area to deal with the situation. In addition, in the special second branch, there was a movement to return to the original Joseon Revolutionary Party because the National Revolutionary Party did not provide financial support. Originally, the Korean Independence Party or the Joseon Revolutionary Party moved to the jurisdiction and participated in the organization of the National Revolutionary Party to secure armed forces in the jurisdiction to attack democracy and directly aid Manchuria's armed independence movement. Thus, Ji Cheong-cheon and Kim Hak-gyu maintained a close connection with the front of the independence movement in Manchuria. However, the Uiyeoldan family, which dominated the actual fiscal power of the National Revolutionary Party at the time, was not financially responsible for the Manchurian Independence Movement front. Thus, in Manchuria, an aunt affiliated with the Joseon Revolutionary Party was dispatched to the jurisdiction, and it is said that she met Jang Hak-ryang on her way back to Manchuria and received some assistance. Differences in views on the operation and financial use of the National Revolutionary Party eventually led to the division of the nationalist and socialist camps in the future. The National Revolutionary Party launched an organized and systematic anti-Japanese movement through propaganda, special affairs, and military activities. As for propaganda activities, he focused on documentary warfare by publishing Party Bo, National Revolution, Jeon Do, Our Life, and Central Notice. In addition, it was also the role of the Ministry of Justice to push party members to various places to secure comrades and make efforts to promote the public. Meanwhile, the special affairs department's role was to dispatch party members to various places, mainly engaged in intelligence activities, deliver various information to the center, and assassinate the ten thousand factors. The main activity of the National Revolutionary Party was to engage in military activities of anti-Japanese struggle in solidarity with the anti-Japanese forces with Hwabuk and Manchuria as active areas, and to conduct military training for young Koreans from all over the country. The military aims to expand the underground organization by promoting revolutionary education, training military talents, and youth fighters who are military duchess to enemy regions such as Manchuria and Hwabuk, and to launch an anti-Japanese war through active disturbance operations behind the Japanese colonial rule. General Ji Cheong-cheon decided to join the passionate young people of the Shinhan Independence Party and the Uiyeoldan, and established a base in Namkyung as the head of the military, and continued military training with the young people of the Shinhan Independence Party and the Uiyeoldan. In addition, in order to expand the number of military personnel, Ji Cheong-cheon organized a military science compilation committee within the military department and focused on compiling military tactical textbooks. Meanwhile, along with Kim Won-bong, Ji Cheong-cheon and Kim Won-bong tried to enroll military students at the Namgyeong Central Military Academy belonging to the National Government Military Committee. Jang Ki-jung, the principal of this school, was afraid that a protest from the Japanese side would be raised, as in the case of the Korean Special Class at Nakyang Military Academy. However, with the persuasion of Ji Cheong-cheon and Kim Won-bong, 12 military candidates were able to enter the Namgyeong Central Military Academy around mid-October 1935, on the condition that the National Revolution Party would keep all responsibility. However, these candidates were unable to graduate eventually because Jang Gae-seok, who was concerned about Japan's protests, ordered Jang Ki-jung to leave the school. The training of military talent in the jurisdiction was better than ever through special classes at Nakyang Military Academy, training classes for Joseon Revolutionary Executives by Uiyeoldan, self-training after the formation of the new party, and consignment education to Chinese military schools. In addition, Ji Cheong-cheon and the leadership of the National Revolutionary Party, which judged that the international situation was becoming urgent, began its second stage in January 1936 based on their activities so far. Thus, military personnel were assigned as executives and dispatched to Hwabuk and Manchuria to expand the foundation for armed activities. The reason why Jicheongcheon Stream came to the jurisdiction was to promote armed activities by training military talent and sending them to Manchuria. Although it is not possible to grasp the activities of the National Revolutionary Party's post-mortem work in detail due to lack of data, let's check the detailed activities through the records of the Japanese colonial government. Park Jin-yang, Kim Il-ryong, Mazacho, Park Tae-yang, Lee Moo, and Yoon Yeo-bok infiltrated into Bukpyeong under the order of Ji Cheong-cheon to lay the base for the independent army uprising and assassinate the chief of military staff.The activities of the military department of the National Revolutionary Party were carried out in cooperation with Oh Kwang-seon, the student president of Nakyang Military Academy. At that time, Oh Kwang-seon was not a member of the National Revolutionary Party, but he was rich, who had changed the will of Ji Cheong-cheon since the military sentiment. After Nakyang Military Academy, Oh Kwang-seon was said to have maintained a continuous connection with Kim Gu while conducting secret operations in Beijing. Therefore, this case is noteworthy in that Ji Cheong-cheon indirectly joined forces with Kim Gu to carry out the behind-the-scenes operation for the practical effect of the anti-Japanese struggle. However, the operation failed as these agents were arrested by the Japanese police. Jounsan Jidalsu and others were dispatched to Suwonseong Podu under the mission of the Duke of Hwabuk and Inner Mongolia to promote connection with the anti-Japanese camp in the region and work for branch organizations. At that time, confrontation with Japanese imperialism was sharpening in the direction of Inner Mongolia. Therefore, it is noteworthy that it tried to unite with the anti-Japanese camp in Inner Mongolia, Suwon Province, in terms of an anti-Japanese joint front. And it is judged that the activities in this region have achieved considerable results. Since then, 11, 12, and 13 districts of the National Revolution Party have been organized in Suwon Fortress Podu, and it is said that the Hanjok Anti-Japanese Association was formed in solidarity with anti-Japanese organizations. Jang Rak-soo and Lee Jong-hwan were dispatched to Shanghai in March 1936 after obtaining party members and receiving orders from the Shanghai Old Ministry to gather anti-Japanese comrades. Also, Jang Rak-su infiltrated Japan with Seo Sang-ho in August 1937.A was arrested by the Japanese military police. At that time, there was no case of attempting to overthrow the 'emperial sovereignty' inside Japan, so the Japanese authorities were shocked by this case. These late-stage operations were carried out in all kinds of hardships. This is because it is difficult to break through the boundaries of Japanese imperialism and establish an activity base behind the enemy while financially unable to afford it, and Japanese political exploration destroyed the organization everywhere. Despite these difficulties, activities in the post-enemy regions, including democracy, were steadily. The National Revolutionary Party as a coalition of nationalism and socialism was likely to carry out various activities as a group of anti-Japanese independence movements. At the same time, however, it was an organization that was highly likely to weaken its power if there was no "unification" internally between nationalism and socialism. These weaknesses can be said to have been inherent from the beginning of the National Revolution Party. The National Revolutionary Party was born as a coalition of the Uiyeoldan Shinhan Independence Party, the Joseon Revolution Party, and the Korean Independence Party. And in the early days of formation, such a balance as a unification organization seemed to have been achieved. However, the Uiyeoldan believed in Japa's power and began to make a war in the management of the party. The Shinhan Independence Party and the Joseon Revolution Party were strong, but the foundation was in Manchuria, and the Korean Independence Party had many elderly people, making it difficult to engage in party activities, and the youth were the most common in the Uiyeoldan. In various ways, such as organization, propaganda, training, and investigation, the Righteous Corps took any means for its purpose, and Kim Won-bong took control of the economic status of the party.  Three months after its foundation, Cho So-ang, Park Chang-gil, and Moon Il-min announced the Godangwonji and rebuilt the Korean Independence Party in Hangju. However, their departure did not have a significant impact on the party's forces, and the National Revolutionary Party continued its activities as a coalition of nationalism and socialism. First of all, as Ji Cheong-cheon carried out practical activities of the National Revolutionary Party through military activities for the Anti-Man Anti-Japanese War, the National Revolutionary Party's action goal, Uiyeoldan also declared "the independence of Joseon can't be successful with a communist movement, and tried to establish a united front. However, the announcement of the short term of the Uiyeoldan as the National Revolution Party's flag in National Revolution 3, published on July 1, 1936, became a source of trouble, and the nationalist camp and Uiyeoldan confronted. Thus, at the Central Executive Committee held on July 28, Kim Chang-hwan, Ji Cheong-cheon, and Yang Ki-tak criticized the announcement that the National Revolutionary Party should unite as a coalition party of nationalism and socialism, harming the unified appearance of the National Revolution Party. And at the same time, the National Revolutionary Party's financial literacy, which has been a problem, was also criticized at this meeting. In other words, the Uiyeoldan originally secured a considerable amount of subsidies every month by establishing a relationship with Namuisa through special affairs. And this fund was actually used as the finances of the National Revolutionary Party. However, Kim Won-bong did not disclose the funds, mainly used Jafa, and at the same time did not disclose his relationship with other doctors. Therefore, in the nationalist camp of the National Revolutionary Party, the actions of the Uiyeoldan were found to hinder the true unification of the National Revolutionary Party and undermine external prestige by making the National Revolutionary Party an intelligence agency of others. Eventually, at this meeting, the head of the special affairs department was replaced by Sung Joo-sik, and the situation ended.

However, just a month later, in August, while Kim Won-bong and Yoon Se-ju were preparing for terrorist activities with funding from anti-Japanese groups, a bomb accidentally exploded, and the Chinese authorities, who received protests from Japan, drastically reduced funding for the National Revolution Party. Faced with this situation of the National Revolutionary Party, Ji Cheongcheon went to the West Bank at the end of September 1936 and had an interview with Hak Hak-ryang. Hak Hak-ryang, who knew earlier that the Korean Independence Army joined the Chinese Volunteer Army in Manchuria and hit the Japanese army hard, thanked his father for being bombed by the Japanese army and promised to support the independence movement. Negotiations with Jang Hak-ryang were successful, but the continued aid plan came to nothing on December 12 when Jang Hak-ryang detained Jang Ga-seok while the Uiyeoldan camp interfered with support activities behind him. At the national convention held in January 1937, Kim Won-bong tried to cooperate with Kim Gu, Park Chan-ik, and Cho So-ang, who were opposed to the National Revolution Party, and expelled national camp officials such as Ji Cheong-cheon, Kim Chang-hwan, Kang Chang-je, and Han Il-rae. However, due to the intervention of Shin Ik-hee and others, who are well aware of Ji Cheong-cheon's troubled independence movement, Ji Cheong-cheon's trip to Seoan ended at this meeting. However, the difference in views on the independence movement between the nationalist and socialist camps within the party has become more acute. In the meantime, in late 1937, Kim Won-bong disposed of Ji Cheong-cheon, Choi Dong-oh, Lee Kwang-je, and Cho Kyung-han as weapons and expelled Kang Chang-je. Accordingly, nationalist camps, including Ji Cheong-cheon, announced the declaration of the emergency conference of the Korean National Revolutionary Party on March 29 and conducted a Cheongdang party against the Kim Won-bong faction from the standpoint of the Hodang. Thus, the National Revolutionary Party, which was established with the aim of unifying the independence movement camp in the jurisdiction, failed to resolve internal conflicts and was separated. The unification front of nationalism and socialism was desirable in terms of strengthening anti-Japanese power by consolidating all competencies under the premise of anti-Japanese. However, at the same time, there is a possibility that it will weaken internally if it fails to resolve differences in opinions in the independence movement strategy or the working process. The National Revolutionary Party was a party that developed the organization of the only national party and organized on an individual basis. However, it seems that the Uiyeoldan continued to maintain its unit despite its efforts in various ways since its formation. In this respect, the National Revolution Party failed to effectively resolve internal disagreements and eventually led to the separation of the nationalist and socialist camps.

Anti-Japanese War of Independence and General Ji Cheongcheon of Baeksan Mountain. 9. Formation of the National Revolutionary Party.(2)

 When Ji Cheong-cheon cultivated military talent in the anti-Japanese struggle through the training activities of the Nakyang Military Academy to promote connection with Manchuria, the leadership of the Korean Independence Party in Japan was striving to strengthen anti-power through the unity of the independence movement camp. On February 25, 1934, Hong Jin and Kim Won-sik of the Korea Independence Party decided to dismantle each party in consultation with Yoon Ki-seop and Yeon Byung-ho of the Korea Revolutionary Party, which were organized in Namkyung. He then announced the Declaration of Establishment of the New Independence Party. On March 1, representatives of the Korean Independence Party, including Hong Jin, Kim Won-sik, Kim Sang-deok, and Shin Sook, and representatives of the Korean Revolutionary Party, including Shin Ik-hee, Bae Cheon-taek, and Yoon Ki-seop, met in Namkyung to decide on the party, Danggang, and Dang. Party: The main party aims to promote equality and happiness of mankind around the world by completing the independence of government, livelihood, and culture based on nationalism and democratic new construction. Party 1. Establish a centralized democratic republic. 2. Establish a unified system of group representatives. 3. State-owned land and large production organizations and carry out great work on state management. 4. Control all economic activities such as production and consumption of the people and secure equity in life by limiting the reasons for property. 5. The development of a unique national culture and the basic education of the people and the cultivation of talent are borne by the state. 6. It guarantees the people's right to freedom in labor, learning, marriage, media, assembly, dispatch, etc., and travels to military service, tax, mathematics, crafts, etc. 7. The conscription system and the national armed system that can be applied to the Defense Self-Defense Force are used together. 8. Based on the principles of freedom, equality, and good luck, efforts are made to liberate the oppressed nation around the world. Party 1. Organize and train domestic and foreign people. 2. Expand internal and external propaganda. 3. Force action and public struggle are carried out at the same time. 4. Prevent the differentiation of the entire nation's revolutionary capabilities and strive to gather them. 5. Support the daily interest struggle of the Musan public. 6. Promote the imperialist Japanese revolution and turmoil. 7. Establish a united front with revolutionary forces of each nation around the world. 8. In order to overthrow imperial Japan, contact any force in each country. The specific leadership of the Shinhan Independence Party was as follows. Yeon Byung-ho, chairman of the National Executive Committee, Hong Jin, chairman of the Central Executive Committee, Yoon Ki-seop, chairman of the propaganda committee, Lee Chung-cheon, chairman of the People's People's Committee, Cho Kyung-han, chairman of the Investigation Committee, Sung Ik-hee, the Shinhan Independence Party. Hongjin, Jicheongcheon, and Jo Gyeong-han entered the jurisdiction while fighting for armed anti-Japanese through the Korean Independence Army, Yoon Ki-seop and Sung Joo-sik worked as instructors at Sinheung Military Academy, and Kim Won-sik was a military fundraising agent in Beijing. Therefore, it can be said that they were deeply aware of the importance of armed struggle in the line of independence movement. Therefore, the main activities of the Shinhan Independence Party would have focused more on armed struggle than on diplomatic strategies. Meanwhile, even after the abolition of the Korean special edition of Nakyang Military Academy due to Japanese protests, General Ji Cheong-cheon continued military training, established a "Youth Military Executive Special Training Team" in Namkyung in April 1935 and guided young people's training as general manager. In addition to these military activities, the Shinhan Independence Party made efforts to unify the Korean independence movement camp. The Shinhan Independence Party was established as the "outpost of Daedong unity." Therefore, in order to establish a united front for the independence movement camp in the jurisdiction, it became a party to form the Unification Alliance of the Japan Front. This Japan-Japan Front Unification Alliance was organized in November 1933 to solve the issue of front unification, an urgent task after the Manchurian Incident, and to strongly promote the independence movement. The organizations of the Unification Alliance of Japan, created by nine promoters, including Lee Yoo-pil, Song Byeong-jo, Kim Doo-bong, and Choi Dong-oh, are part of the Shinhan Independence Party and the Korean Independence Party, the Joseon Revolutionary Party. On March 1, 1934, the Japan-Japan Front Unification Alliance held the 2nd Alliance Representative Meeting and the Korean Revolution Organization Representative Conference and decided on the following policy. 1. The affiliated organizations, not the institutions of central executives as in the past, gather multiple fighters to actively engage in operations under the unity of the people. 2. Resolve all other revolutionary groups, as well as affiliated groups, and join the revolutionary comrade, that is, the members, to unite the unified alliance and organize a single great alliance. 3. To this end, the Korean Provisional Government outside the Revolutionary Corps is also abolished. In this decision, it is notable that each organization is resolved to form a complete unity. This can be said to have taken the position of '성성' in which each organization is resolved and participated in the organization as an individual in the organization methodology of the only ethnic party. However, in terms of abolishing the temporary government, this decision caused a natural opposition from the temporary government, and eventually failed to secure full support from the alliance's participating organization, the Korea Independence Party. Thus, the members of the Provisional Government were divided into the participants of the unification movement and the high-ranking members of the Provisional Government, and the Korean Independence Party later formed the Korean People's Party centered on Kim Gu. In February 1935, the third alliance representative meeting of the Korea Unification Alliance was held to appoint executives and to hold representatives of each revolutionary organization on June 25, and representatives of each group attended the third competition were Kim Doo-bong, Lee Kwang-je, Lee Se-myung, and Lee Se-ju of the Korean Independence Party. And on June 25, a representative meeting of each revolutionary organization was held at the Shinhan Independence Party office in Namkyung to decide on a new party and to hold a formal meeting of the founding of the new party from June 29 to July 4. At this representative meeting, Ji Cheong-cheon was suggested to take office as the chairman, but he refused, so it is said that Yang Ki-tak was appointed. The exact details cannot be confirmed, but it is only conceivable that Ji Cheong-cheon always thought he was a soldier, not a politician, so it is possible that he refused the chairmanship of Yang Ki-tak, a senior member of the independence movement camp in Manchuria. Alternatively, it may be a consideration for the participation of some figures from the Provisional Government and the Korea Independence Party who did not participate in the Great Unity Movement at the time. Subsequently, at the formal meeting held from the 29th, the party, the party, and the policy were enacted, central officials and branch managers were appointed, and 12 matters were resolved on the future independence movement policy. Thus, the National Revolutionary Party as a united front body in the jurisdiction was born. The central organization of the National Revolutionary Party and its executives were as follows. Central executive committee members Kim Won-bong, Kim Doo-bong, Kim Gyu-sik, Lee Chung-cheon, Yoon Ki-seop, Shin Ik-hee, Cho So-ang, Seong Joo, Choi Dong-oh, Kim Hak-gyu, Jin Ui-ro, etc. Kim Sang-deok, Yoon Se-ju, Yoon Se-ju, vice president of the executive branch of the executive branch of the executive branch of the executive branch, Kim Chang-hwan, Lee Bok-won, Shinak, and Kang Chang-je, and Choi Seok-soon, vice president of the executive branch of the executive branch, Kim Doo-bong, Kim Hak-gyu, and Shenzhen. And from Lee Jin-yong in the early days of his foundation, it can be seen that during this period, the National Revolutionary Party did not focus on any one organization but tried to establish itself as a party on the unified front. Meanwhile, in the case of the military department overseen by Jicheongcheon Stream, it is noteworthy that Jicheongcheon Stream is positioned as a military member, Kim Chang-hwan, Yoon Ki-seop, and Seongju-si, who worked together to foster military talent when they were the commander of each other's military affairs school. In particular, in the case of Kim Chang-hwan, he was in charge of the deputy commander during the Korean Independence Army's Korea-China joint venture anti-Japanese war. Therefore, in the case of the military department, it can be seen that it was composed of practical military service, with General Ji Cheong-cheon at his peak. In addition, there was no Central Executive Committee Chairman in Lee Jin-yong, and according to the records of the Japanese colonial government at the time, this was a consideration to recruit Kim Gu of the Imjeong Gosu faction in order for the National Revolution Party to become the only party of the nation. In addition, the founding meeting decided to protect the provisional government, which can be understood as an effort to establish a united front for nationalism and socialist routes. However, contrary to the wishes of nationalist leaders such as Yang Ki-tak, Ji Cheong-cheon, Cho So-ang, and Shin Ik-hee, Kim Gu opposed the formation of the new party organization and formed the Korean National Party with Lee Si-young and Cho Wan-gu.

Nazi Party's new rush (1) - The disastrous end of a democratic state.

 Deutsche National Party and leader Hugenberg, who are united by right-wing forces opposing the territory, but his unique stubbornness weakens the party's power and the right-wing forces lose power. Hoogenberg recruits Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, the epitome of strong energy, but Hitler's duke failed to hold the Nazi Party from the beginning, and the enormous support of the capitalist group ended up raising only the Nazi Party, and Hoogenberg was paying for raising tigers. Meanwhile, the Nazi Party escaped from the influence of Hugenberg and initiated independent propaganda and contact with capitalist groups, secured its own funding line, emerged as a national party, and emerged as the No. 1 player with public support. Hugenberg, who raised the disastrous last tiger cub of the first democratic state, had to feel the price disastrous by the general election on September 14, 1930. In the past, the National Socialist Party, which had only a small approval rating of 810,000 votes and a small number of 12 seats, won a total of 18% 6.4 million votes and 107 seats. It became the second party in the National Assembly following the Social Democratic Party. By comparison, the existing vested party, the Social Democratic Party, the Deutsche National Party, suffered the devastation of losing large numbers of votes, and now the military welfare-Ralpha Adolf Hitler, who was compared to comedian Charlie Chaplin, has emerged as an indescribable creature. On the other hand, the Deutsche National Party of Hugenberg, which supported Hitler both materially and materially, dropped to less than 7% compared to its 14.7% approval rating in the past, because the fact that it joined hands with radical Hitler was seen in bad light by moderate civic supporters. At least the Communist Party benefited to some extent in this election, and these friends were busy making a mess because they were still sex fighters and knew that a victory would come due to historical inevitability, at least with a 3% increase in approval rating. <The only winner of the September election is the Communist Party> These election results should not be viewed simply as the effect of Hugenberg's support. A more fundamental cause has been the problem since the birth of this Weimar Republic. For the German people who had outdated values, the existence of the Weimar Republic was considered just a "national independence" and "minimum pride" of the Allies, coupled with an era of dissatisfaction with the Weimar Republic, which failed to provide minimal vision, historical participation, and loss. As argued in the September 15, 30 editorial of the Frankfurt Newspaper, "Those who voted for radical parties are by no means radical people. They just don't have faith in the past and now expect a total change, more than a third of people voted just because of opposition to the current regime without knowing what would come to this conclusion. It fundamentally rejected the existing order... It was "Vote of Furious"." With the success of Hitler's party, numerous new members joined, including Prince August Wilhelm, and many social vested interests. Hitler's party is now not just a radical party, but a huge party that controls the fate of a country in name and reality, but Hitler had a completely different idea.

Anti-Japanese War of Independence and General Ji Cheongcheon of Baeksan Mountain. 9. Formation of the National Revolutionary Party. (1)

 On April 29, 1932, the anti-Japanese movement of Yun Bong-gil, a member of the Korean Patriotic Corps, took place in Honggu Park, Shanghai. Yun Bong-gil, who infiltrated Honggu Park, where the Japanese army held a commemorative event to celebrate the birthday of Japanese Emperor Hirohito Michinomiya and the victory of the occupation of Shanghai, threw a lunchbox-shaped bomb on the podium, General General Yoshinori Shirakawa, Jaejung. This case was the largest struggle of passion since Heo Erbin Dae-ro, in which doctor Ahn Jung-geun shot Ito Hirobumi on October 26, 1909. The Honggu Park Ritual renewed China's perception of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, and since then, aid activities have been actively carried out in various fields. Thus, in the first half of 1933, interviews between two people, Park Chan-ik on the temporary government side and Jingwabu on the Chinese side, were held. After that, Kim Gu prepared a report on the special work plan and submitted it to Jang Gae-seok. Here, Jang Gaeseok suggested that if he kills the Japanese king as a special martial art work, the Japanese prince would succeed the throne, so it would be better to train military officials for future armed forces against Japan, and Kim Gu actively agreed and established a Korean military school in Nakyang. Kim Gu and Park Chan-ik decided to invite Ji Cheong-cheon in promoting the establishment of a special Korean class at Nakyang Military Academy. Accordingly, Lee Gyu-chae went to Manchuria to form an anti-Japanese united front between the Korean Independence Army and the Gilingu Armed Forces to deliver the news. The leaders of the Korean Independence Army, including Ji Cheong-cheon, who had been in trouble due to the lifting of arms by the duke of the Chinese Communist Party and the division of the ROK-China coalition command, dispatched log troops to Milsan for the future. Korean Independence Party executives such as Hongjin, Ji Cheongcheon, Cho Gyeong-han, and Oh Kwang-seon and other Korean Independence Army commanders entered Beijing with young reserve forces officers. Jicheongcheon met Xinsuk in Beijing, heard of the situation of the independence movement in China, and boarded a train and departed for Namgyeong. Young people who were active in the Korean Independence Army began training with Chinese military cadets in November 1933, shortly after moving to the jurisdiction. In February 1934, 92 Korean trainees specialized in the first military cadet class, and the military officer training activities, which would become agents during the anti-Japanese war, began in earnest. The official name was "The 17th Army Military Training Team of the 4th Battalion of the Nakyang Branch of the Central Army Academy in China," with about 50 students from the Korean Independence Army, 38 students from Kim Gu, 15 students from Kim Won-bong, and 4 cadets from the Korea Independence Party. General Ji Cheong-cheon, as the general manager of the Nakyang Military Academy's Korean Special Class, advanced to Manchuria in the future and worked hard to cultivate military talents to carry out armed anti-Japanese struggles. In addition, he was appointed as a faculty member of the Nakyang Military Academy and was in charge of foreign negotiations with the Chinese military. Lee Bum-seok was appointed as the student president and Oh Kwang-sun as the student president. The Korean Special Class of Nakyang Military Academy followed the Chinese military school's curriculum to avoid Japanese surveillance, but the 17th Battalion of Nakyang Branch School was spurring training and mental education for the anti-Japanese war. On March 1, 1934, Jicheongcheon held a three-day celebration ceremony in the auditorium of the Military Academy, with student ledgers, student class leaders, and Korean special classmates gathered. "Today is an unforgettable anniversary as the first day the Korean people shouted for the independence movement. We must actively work to achieve our purpose with the will of today (1919). Today, the ceremony is held simply here, but I believe that the day when the grand commemorative celebration is held in my home country is the day when Joseon can be independent." Following General Ji Cheong-cheon's speech, student representatives Lee Yi-heung and Yang Cheol-san also said, "Today's anniversary should never be forgotten by the Korean people." We should work together and unite to carry out Joseon's independence," he said. Instructors of the Korean Special Class at Nakyang County School, such as Ji Cheong-cheon, Lee Bum-seok, and Oh Kwang-seon, presented the prospects of the independence movement of their country and the purpose of training military students more clearly. "Our Korean people have been a peaceful people who respect justice and India with a brilliant history of independent countries and creative cultures since 4,000 years ago. Under the leadership of the Korean-Chinese, Orangkai Japan forcibly merged Korea into Japanese territory from military and economic needs to deceptive policies, exploited Korean workers and farmers politically and economically, discriminated against Koreans and Japanese, and pressured the Korean people. Therefore, it is urgent and important for us to break away from the foundation of the Japanese Empire and become a completely independent country. In order to achieve this important purpose, we came to accommodate young Koreans in this school to train executives necessary for the Joseon Revolution and to train fighters to lead workers and farmers during the Joseon Revolution. However, it is difficult to overthrow the strong Japanese Empire only by the Korean people, so under the pressure of Japan, a partnership between the Chinese leaders and our comrades should be formed to create an anti-Japanese port war. In the future, the international crisis of the Japanese Empire in the six years of 1935 will surely lead to the outbreak of World War II. Japanese military facilities should be destroyed in Joseon and Namman, which play a bridge role in the East Asian continent and mainland Japan, transportation and communication institutions and end buildings, and lead workers and farmers to achieve a long-cherished desire with full support. At this opportunity, you should prepare to respond immediately when you are united nationally and convene your troops abroad. This school was established for the purpose of fostering important executives during the Joseon Revolution for the independence of Joseon, the fate of the Korean people." However, internal difficulties were encountered in fostering military officers, which will be a period of anti-Japanese warfare in the future. The students who entered Nakyang Military Academy by Kim Won-bong were from Uiyeoldan and had strong socialist ideas, so they were at odds with the Korean Independence Army students who participated in many anti-Japanese battles in Manchuria along Jicheongcheon Stream, and nationalist youth under the leadership of Kim Gu. Students under Kim Won-bong worked in various ways to attract other military cadets to Gaji, and in this situation, Kim Gu summoned 20 students he was teaching to Namgyeong. Kim Gu and Ji Cheong-cheon were in the same position in that they were dedication to the independence movement and earnest efforts. And it was on the same line in terms of direct action lines. Kim Gu was a senior in the independence movement before Ji Cheong-cheon, and Ji Cheong-cheon respected Kim Gu. However, in the specific independence movement route, Ji Cheong-cheon planned a full-scale anti-Japanese war by fostering military talent and strengthening armed forces, and Kim Gu took a fighting line through the Korean Patriotic Corps. Of course, both of these routes can be said to be important means of the independence movement, and Kim Won-bong's thoughts were also consistent in this regard. However, Kim Gu eventually summoned about 20 of the students to Namkyung, judging that if left unattended due to conflicting opinions among students, especially due to the dark maneuvering of young people affiliated with Kim Won-bong. In addition, due to the Japanese authorities' information network, special classes for Koreans in Nakyang-gun School were required to close. Faced with such external difficulties, the Korean Special Class at Nakyang Military Academy eventually closed after graduating from the first term.

Personally, the battle sample of the residents and nomads.

 1. Of course, there is a basic combination of archer soldiers and heavy cavalry soldiers, and Jeong Ju-min goes out as a middle guard, medium-sized, palace, and other combinations. 2. Tactical nomads use swarm tactics.They hit here and there and annihilate to surround the enemy.On the other hand, Jeong residents use Yangik Powi or Side Powi.While doing the body bang in front, cavalry or alert soldiers surround the side and eat it. 3. What if the two of you compete. The basis of nomads is the scattering of archers and the charging of spearmen.The bow is excellent in offense, but it can't catch a lot at once, and it becomes quite helpless when caught in armor or shield.Of course, some of them will penetrate, but the important thing is that there are no countermeasures against the opponent's other troops or archers. For example, the initial doriraeum of the Crusades (Is this the right pronunciation)?)In the battle, the Turks were attacked by other crusaders while dragging their feet due to a lack of medium-sized soldiers to charge and annihilate the enemy, despite a large number of siege.Of course, there was no big avoidance.Another example is Skittai and Alexandros.After throwing the bait so that Skittai can siege, he charges from behind to win.In other words, even if the archer's offense is good, if there is no attack from the decisive player Chang Ki-byeong, he can be attacked or counter-argument. The basics of Jeongmin are a combination of infantry, cavalry, and archer.The archer responds to the cavalry, while if the opponent charges, he must quickly fire arrows toward it.Even from the standpoint of charging, if the formation is scattered, it will cause great damage to the enemy.In addition, heavy infantry must prevent the opponent from charging.Heavy infantry generally protect the archer's front or cover the archer in the form of a box to protect the archer from charging and close combat.At this time, the important thing is the discipline and will of heavy infantry.Without these two, you run scared in front of the charge, and eventually the battle turns into a one-sided slaughter.Therefore, the military rule and will can be said to be essential factors to prevent the attack of the mid-term soldiers. However, no matter how heavy the infantry and archers are, they can't beat the nomadic forces.Of course, I don't know if you charge recklessly or get hit by a surprise attack, but in other cases, archers + middle infantry are bound to be defensive.It lacks mobility.Then can't we just keep defending ourselves?Of course I can. And then everyone starve to death.Therefore, residents need a serious illness, a secret weapon. Small and medium-sized soldiers have a powerful millhouse and excellent mobility.However, since it is not enough compared to the economic disease, more and more soldiers are hungry, exhausted, and killed by arrows if they keep following.Eventually, they are surrounded by the enemy in a tired state.What should we do then?Of course, when the enemy is as close as possible, the cavalry must run at full speed and break it down from the side or the back.This is called a double-sided siege or a side siege, and it is also called a hammer and anvil tactics. What if these two sides face each other?The archer tries to break down the battle line of the heavy infantry, and the archer responds.The mid-term soldiers on the side of Jeong Ju-min will quickly try to surround the archers.Here, an important factor arises that can determine victory or defeat.That's the role of the cavalry.If the mid-term soldiers surround the archers, the game will lean toward the settlement.However, if the mid-term soldiers are not properly surrounded and separated from the infantry and isolated, nomads are advantageous in winning.In other words, how nomads separate the mid-term soldiers and how Jeongmin hides and uses the mid-term soldiers well are the crossroads between victory and defeat. 4. What about the actual game? In practice, nomads generally have the upper hand.First of all, the nomadic army was very good in that it needed "military men" such as military rule and will.Of course, if there is a division within nomads, it is the opposite.Using this, China mainly used operations to induce internal fever rather than head-on confrontation with nomads. Representative examples of nomads' victory in practice include the Battle of Hatin (Saladin vs. Crusade), the Battle of Carrey (Parthia vs. Rome), and Manzikert (Turk vs. East Rome).Of course, there are so few representative examples, and most battles in Mongolia, Hun, and Turk can be examples of nomads winning over settlers. Representative examples of Jung Ju-min's victory in practice include Alexander's Battle (Daesukitai), the Battle of Guiju (Korea Daeyo), and the Qin Dynasty's Daesuk No.

Slave Forces of the Ottoman Empire - Yenicheri

 Yanicherry was first founded in the 14th century by Sultan Murat I and lasted almost 450 years until it was disbanded in 1826. Yenicherry is a Turkish word for a new army, and this word shows that Yenicherry was first created with the aim of replacing the old regular army. Yanicherry was famous for their combat capabilities and consisting of youths recruited from Christian families in the Balkans. The conscripted boys were apparently Sultan possessions and they had to convert practically all to Islam.      Yanicherries had to abide by strict rules, restrict freedom, and aim for higher moral standards than the general public of society. During the first two centuries, they were forced to be single, but later changed. Yanicherry was not even allowed to grow a beard, a symbol of free people. In the early days of its foundation, prisoners were also included in Yennicherry. However, from around 1420, they were cut off from their old community and began to form troops with boys who had been requisitioned from home when they were young. This system was called Devsirme. These boys were even banned from contacting the normal society in the area where they were staying. During the training period, the boys were educated to devote all their loyalty to the sultan. Despite strict regulations, Yenicherries enjoyed the high standard of living and social status given to justify and strengthen their loyalty.   However, over time, the Yenicherries grow into a powerful power group that can be involved in the operation of the empire. Yenicherries used force to influence politics and protected their interests. In the 17th century, the Yenicherries staged numerous acts of rebellion in the palace. However, these attempts are an important cause of their collapse. Yanicherry's power threatened the Sultan, and when Yanicherry was defeated after the last battle, all the troops were executed or deported. Another reason Sultan wanted to remove Yenicherry was that there were about 20,000 people around 1574, and the number of members of the unit reached 135,000 in 1826. It was too expensive to maintain this scale, and in addition, to maintain a luxurious life, Yennicherry troops often stocked their property in illegal ways. They engaged in various businesses and businesses, and became more and more involved in society. Yanicherry was truly an empire within the empire. In 1380-the founding and dissolution of Yanicherry, the Yanicherry unit was established when Beimurat I implemented the Devshirme system. In the 15th century - Yenicherry grew into a powerful political group within the Ottoman Empire. In the 16th century, members of the Yenicherry were allowed to marry, and even if their children were born Muslim, they were given the privilege of enlisting the Yenicherry unit. In the 17th century - Yanicherry units continued to rebel in the palace. These actions eventually lead to their end. In 1648 - Yanicherry troops stormed into the palace and killed Sultan Ibrahim I. In the 18th century, the traditional Devshrme conscription system became promiscuous and a large number of free people applied, and among them were selected from Muslim families. In 1820 - Yanicherry units failed to suppress Greece's war of independence. With this incident, Yanicherry will not be able to maintain its reputation as an invincible unit as before. 1826 - Yanicherries revolted when they learned that Sultan Murad IV was trying to create a new European-style unit. The Sultan declared war and bombarded Yanicheri's barracks and local cities in Constantinople, ending the war. Most of the Yenicherry members were killed. Most of the survivors were executed, and the rest were deported. The era of Yennicherry comes to an end.  The top commanders of the Yennicherry unit - left baby and right sekvanbash attire - wore white head guards called 45cm long Börk. The size of the Börk worn by most units was the same, but some units wore small-sized Börk. They wore blue or dark blue skirts of Yanicherries and clothes called dolamas made of red or yellow lobes Officers were given military uniforms twice a year, and ordinary soldiers were given military uniforms once a year. High-quality officers' military boots were red, and lower-level officers' military boots were black. Solak and Fake (the elite members of Yenicherry) wore military uniforms different from ordinary Yenicherries. They wore yellow military uniforms and bronze pitches. Bostanji, a palace guard, wore a red head guard and a red robe called Batara. Western tourists who visited Istanbul recorded that they saw all the Yennicherries marching with bizarre feathers on their heads.           Yanicherry is divided into several different units. - Zirgil Nefer (Gapju soldier), Tupeckech (Muscuit shooter), Okchu (Archer), Solak, Fake, Bostanji (Palace Guard). Zirgil Nefer wore chain armor and pitches reinforced with small iron plates and carried a variety of weapons, including various types of swords and battle axes, pole arms, hook windows, mace, dagger and small circular shields, as well as rectangular valcan shields. Solak and Fake wore pitches, but never wore armor, and carried sloths and daggers called Gadara or complex palaces and spears.      Tupeckech (muscuit shooter) is armed with various types of muskets, swords, axes, and dagger. Hwaseungchong was more common in the 15th century, but in the 16th century, the types of muskets began to increase rapidly. Among the muskets, there were several types of muskets in addition to large trench-hugging muskets, flint-hitting muskets, Hwaseung-sik muskets, and muskets for cavalry.   Oakchu's (Archer) equipment was similar to those of the musket guards. The difference was that they used a complex palace instead of a musket. Since the proportion of archers was relatively small, most of them were organized as musket shooters in the 15th century. In addition to the complex palace, there were crossbow called Chagara and large crossbow that fired arrows the size of a person named Gemberek's thumb.

Anti-Japanese War of Independence and General Ji Cheongcheon of Baeksan Mountain. 8. Dissolution of the Korea-China Combined Front.(1)

 The Korean Independence Army, which won the Battle of Jaryeong in Daejeon, reorganized its troops by entering the city of Daejeon, distributing military supplies, and strengthening armament. The military power was further strengthened as it was welcomed by Koreans who had been suffering under Japanese pressure for a long time, and the area of Naza-gu became the base of the anti-Man Anti-Japanese Army. Around this time, Oh Eui-seong, deputy commander of the General Command of the National Army of Gilim-gu, who was active in the Ando-hyeon area near Baekdusan Mountain, moved to Daejeon after hearing the news that the ROK-China coalition won the battle. Accordingly, the Chinese volunteer forces, which had previously been divided into 1-4 roads, joined forces. The Korean Independence Army, led by General Ji Cheong-cheon, also joined forces with the Chinese Volunteer Army led by Oh Ui-seong. The ROK-China coalition forces, which strengthened their military power, decided to attack Dongnyeonghyeonseong Fortress after an operational meeting. Dongnyeonghyeonseong Fortress is an important political base for Japanese imperialism, and there were about 500 Japanese troops and about 2,000 Manchurian troops stationed here. In addition, it was equipped with modern weapons such as armored vehicles. Guimgu National Army, led by Oh Eui-seong, had units such as Si Si-young, Sachung Port, and Geumsan, and the Korean Independence Army attacked Dongnyeonghyeonseong Fortress through joint operations with them. The Chinese Communist Party's Wangcheng and Hunchun guerrillas also participated in the operation. The operation began around 2 a.m. on September 6, when the Allied Forces' main forces attacked the east, west, and south gates, and the hollow guerrilla forces decided to attack Seosan Podae, located outside the west gate. The Korean Independence Army attacked the west gate along with the troops of Sachung Port. The enemy troops guarding the west gate of Dongnyeonghyeonseong Fortress launched stubborn resistance by firing mortar and machine guns. The promised reinforcements and ammunition support did not continue in time, and the Seosan battery on the west gate side constantly attacked the allied forces, leaving the troops of Sachung Port and the Korean Independence Army struggling. However, with General Ji Cheong-cheon's solo battle and the battle of the Korean Independence Army's Byeoldong University, the allied forces succeeded in breaking through the west gate after a fierce battle. Units such as Siyeong Si and Geumsan, who were in charge of targeting the east gate and the south gate, broke through the gate relatively smoothly and entered the city area of Dongnyeonghyeonseong Fortress. When the allied forces broke through the three sides of the castle, the Japanese and Manchurian forces occupied a corner of the castle and continued to resist. The battle lasted until the next morning, and the Japanese army attempted a massive counterattack with cannons and armored vehicles at the forefront. The Chinese Allied Forces, which was attacked by the Japanese forces' heavy machinery, withdrew from the castle, fearing that the enemy's reinforcements would come due to the unfavorable situation. The Japanese and Manchurian forces deployed a large number of troops to chase the allied forces, causing considerable damage to the allied forces. In particular, the allied forces of Korea and China, which were attacking the west gate direction, were hit hard by intensive fire by the enemy, with dozens of officers, including the military superintendent Gangjin Sea, and Korean Independence Army General General General Ji Cheong-cheon and Korean brigade General Gilim-gu. Unfortunately, the final battle of the anti-Man Anti-Japanese War, which was carried out by the Korean Independence Army in cooperative operations with the Chinese volunteer forces, ended with the defeat of the ROK-China coalition. However, more than 500 people were killed, 200 people were injured, and one armored vehicle was damaged. The ROK-China Allied Forces temporarily retreated from Dongnyeong County and soon held an operational meeting of high-level Allied generals to prepare for enemy attacks. After reviewing the situation, General Ji Cheong-cheon raised an intensive defense against both Dongnyeong and Mokneung in accordance with information and operational strategies. "Looking at the appropriateness now, the possibility of enemy attacks is expected from the Mokneung people, so it is considered military appropriate for our Korean troops to defend the Mokneung side and the Chinese to defend the Dongnyeong side." However, Joo Bo-jung, chief of the Guilimgu Army under Oh Ui-seong, gave a different opinion. "The enemy will surely attack from Dongnyeong, Mokneung, Yeongan, and Baekcho-gu. However, each unit must be divided into four and deployed. The same goes for the Korean military." General Ji Cheong-cheon looked embarrassed and was told by Jubo-jung. "Our allied forces suffered tremendous casualties due to the defeat of Dongnyeonghyeonseong Fortress. However, dividing all units into four can rather divide the military. In addition, it is not the right way to divide even the Korean army, which has relatively weak troops and weapons compared to the Chinese army, into four," but Oh Eui-sung and other Chinese military commanders were all agreeing with the opinion of Zhu Bo-jung. "Since the enemy is a great force, there is a high possibility that allies will be surrounded and cooperated from all sides. General Ji's recommendation is to remain in the rear with him and lead the general operation." Ji Cheong-cheon retreated, fearing that the foundation of the Korea-China joint operation would collapse if he insisted strongly on his operation plan. However, all of this was in fact intentionally promoted by Joo Bo-jung. Zhu Bo-jung, a former member of the Communist Party of China's Manchuria, entered the Guilimgu Armed Forces to increase the political influence of the Communist Party and realized the Communist Party's policies, allowing Sachunghang Port, Siyeong, Bu Hyeonmyeong, and Wangyogi to be placed around him. However, this position of the Chinese Communist Party was not accepted by the Korean independent army, which was in a nationalist position. At that time, Ji Cheong-cheon was trying to unite nationalists from all over the country to create an external organization of the Korean Independence Army while conducting anti-Man Anti-Japanese War by commanding the Korean Independence Army. It was only when such an external support organization was organized that the Korean Independence Army's military power could be strengthened and the anti-Japanese independence war could be carried out more firmly. From the standpoint of Zhu Bo-jung, a member of the Chinese Party, it was compelling to take some action against the strengthening of the nationalist camp. Thus, the generals of the Guilimgu Armed Forces were attracted to the communist camp and promoted a movement to reject the nationalist camp. The fact that Joo Bo-jung divided the ROK-China coalition into four in preparation for the Japanese attack on the ROK-China coalition was also intended to differentiate the forces of the Korean independence forces. At that time, the Korean Independence Army was always respected by Chinese volunteer soldiers for maintaining independent unit units and taking charge of the battle, although it was engaged in joint operations with the Guilim Gu Armed Forces. Therefore, in order to weaken the power of the Korean independent army, it was necessary to dismantle the independent unit and assign it to each Chinese volunteer unit. This meant strengthening the control of the Chinese Communist Party's Guilimgu Armed Forces along with the effect of weakening the power of the Korean Independence Army. However, when the Korean Independence Army, which was divided into four lanes, did not move as he wished, Joo Bo-jung began to disarm the Korean Independence Army with three times the force. Not only the main treasure but also the city administration participated in the suppression of the Korean independence army. Si-young Si-young, who had been dissatisfied with the distribution of military supplies obtained in the Battle of Daejeon, agreed to the proposal of the police to suppress the leaders of the Korean independent army and confiscate all guns and bullets of the independent army. "What is this?" General Ji Cheong-cheon, the commander of the Korean Independence Army, protested and yelled at Si-young and Zhu Bo-jung when Chinese volunteer soldiers suddenly flocked to the Korean Independence Army barracks and seized weapons with guns. "Aren't you guys crazy?" What are the same allies doing in the yard of preparing for the enemy's attack!" Joo Bo-joong glared at Jicheongcheon with a sneaky smile. "I don't want to make you suffer from the commander of my army, so respond quietly." "Tell me why you're doing this!" "They monopolized the major of the anti-Japanese war and let the Korean independent army take over all the military supplies they've taken over after defeating the Japanese army. As a unit allied with the Guilim Gu Army, they should be under the command of our Guguk Command, but they acted arbitrarily and interfered with the unity of the entire allies. Therefore, I would like to ask for your sins and hold them accountable, so please follow them instead of complaining!" It was ridiculous. After detaining about 80 Korean independent military leaders under General Ji Cheong-cheon, Joo Bo-jung and Si-young mobilized a large number of troops to surround the independent military units distributed to four locations and force them to disarm all of them. Eventually, 330 people, including officers, were arrested and detained in the city of Daejeon in the wake of this incident, and a number of members fled stillbirth. As a result, the Korean Independence Army was deprived of all weapons and faced a crisis of dismantling. However, as a result of the discussion at the officers' meeting of the Guilimgu Armed Forces, most of the generals of the Korean Independence Army were released. When faced with difficult times, the spirit of a man is bound to be revealed. At that time, Oh Ui-seong released most of the commanders of the Korean Independence Army, but Ji Cheong-cheon and company commander Ko Yeon-ki did not release them and said they would execute one person in face. In response, Ko Yeon-ki stepped up and tried to save Ji Cheong-cheon by sacrificing his life, saying, "When I think of future anti-Japanese war activities, the commander-in-chief has a lot to do in the future." As a result, Ji Cheong-cheon and Cho Gyeong-han visited Si Si-young and appealed for the life of Goun-gi, and he was released. Shinheul, who was working as a military doctor for the Korean Independence Army, tried to kill himself after hearing the news of Ji Cheong-cheon's body, but saved his life by dissuasion around him. As the commanders of the Korean Independence Army were arrested and released, Joo Bo-jung left the camp of the Armed Forces of Gilin-gu when this did not go as he intended. Through this process of conflict and discord, the Korea-China coalition, which fought an active anti-Japanese war in the East Manchuria region in the early 1930s, eventually weakened its power and eventually separated, and the Korea-China united front was disbanded. When the Korean Independence Army was completely separated from the Chinese Volunteer Army, a massive subjugation of the Japanese armed anti-Japanese struggle group began in October.

As a military organization under the Korean Independence Party, from November 1931 to September 1933, the Korean Independence Army, which fought joint battles with military groups on various anti-Japanese routes and sometimes ambushed the Japanese army, raised the flag of the anti-Japanese independence war. In this situation, the Provisional Government of Shanghai has dispatched personnel to request military movement of General Ji Cheong-cheon and Korean Independence Army generals. In other words, it was negotiated with the Chinese government to establish a military school, so it was asked to move to the jurisdiction and make efforts to foster military talent. "The helpless invasion of Japanese imperialism will not only stop at Manchuria, but will lead to mainland China in the future and eventually reveal its ambition teeth toward Asia as a whole. I think the possibility of a massive anti-Japanese war between the jurisdiction and Manchuria will sprout if military talent is trained and dispatched to Manchuria as stated by the provisional government. "After discussing with Hongjin, chairman of the Central Executive Committee of the Korea Independence Party, Ji Cheongcheon decided to act extensively. Thus, after entering the jurisdiction and reviewing the situation, as promised by the Chinese national government, if the conditions for long-term combat are met, the government will choose the path, and if the situation is not favorable, it will return to Manchuria. However, since the entire Korean Independence Army cannot move to the jurisdiction, the worst, An Tae-jin and others will lead the remaining troops to the Milsan and Horim areas, and about 50 young independence forces will move to the jurisdiction, including Jicheongcheon. As the armed anti-Japanese struggle in the 1930s gradually became earnest after the Manchurian Incident, Yang Se-bong and Goi-heo, who led the Joseon Revolutionary Army, fought fierce battles against Japanese imperialism and fought fiercely in the midst of the anti-Japanese war. Ji Cheong-cheon, Hong Jin, and Kim Hak-gyu of the Korean Independence Party moved to the jurisdiction to plan a long-term war and cross the Sanhaegwan. However, when Siwoon became disadvantageous, those who had a weak will and coveted wealth judged that the path to independence of their homeland was difficult and returned to Japan and turned to pro-Japanese group.