After the March 1 Independence Movement was suppressed in 1919, Japanese imperialism touted a shift from military domination to "cultural politics" in Joseon. The governor-general of the Joseon Dynasty was limited to the army and navy captains, and instead of putting the military police at the forefront, he adopted the ordinary police system. He made conciliatory gestures, such as hunger for the publication of Korean newspapers. However, since then, nothing has changed in nature, as it can be seen that no one has been appointed as governor of Joseon except for the army and navy generals. "Cultural politics" was just a blindfold to cool off the simmering heat by opening a little pot toad when Japan faced the entire national independence movement of Joseon. One of the things that made life more difficult for Koreans under "cultural politics" was none other than the Sanmi Proliferation Plan implemented since 1920. According to the announcement by the Japanese Government-General of Korea, the plan was first to solve the food problem in Japan. The term "inland" refers to the Japanese territories of Honshu, Shikoku, Kyushu, Hokkaido, Okinawa, and the Ogasara Islands, and the islands of the peninsula, which have been dominated by invasion since the 1890s. Second, it was a measure to prepare for the increase in food demand in Joseon. Third, the purpose of promoting the improvement of the Joseon farm economy and the promotion of the Joseon economy was put forward. But what was the reality? Since the founding of Joseon, rice grains have occupied the most important position among Japan's imports from Joseon. Even after the annexation of Gyeongsul in 1910, a large amount of Joseon rice was taken out to Japan. In particular, the "rice disturbance" that occurred throughout Japan in 1918 accelerated the food crisis. For political, economic, and social stability, the import of rice from the colony was a more urgent task. Meanwhile, the rapid increase in the number of farmers who lost their land and fell due to land survey projects served as the background of the March 1 Independence Movement. Securing the stability of Joseon's domination by increasing food production and "stabilizing" the lives of Joseon farmers was also one of the tasks faced by Japanese imperialists. The first plan was to increase rice production by about 9 million stone from the Joseon Peninsula for 15 years from 1920. However, this did not go as planned. In 1925, this was changed to increase the production of 8.16 million seats by investing a total of 325 million won in funds over the next 12 years. What happened to Joseon as a result? Only Japanese capitalists who received low-interest loans from Japanese postal savings or Korean taxes through the Sanmi Growth Plan and civil engineering companies that used low-wage Koreans from the Korea Land Improvement Corporation accumulated wealth. Meanwhile, Korean landlords and farmers had to pay new repair union fees. The Joseon farmers called it "suse." Moreover, the produced rice grains were clearly increased compared to the time of the Gyeongsul merger. However, the oldest amount of Joseon rice, far beyond Jeungsan Mountain, was leaked to Japan. As of 1931, rice leaked to Japan was 19 times larger than that of the time of the annexation of Gyeongsul. A huge amount of rice produced in Joseon leaked to Japan, ranging from 40% to 50% and sometimes more than 60%. In Joseon, the absolute amount that Koreans could consume decreased as rice increased. If the annual consumption of rice per Korean was 100, the year before the Sanmi Proliferation Plan began, the annual consumption of rice decreased by half to 56 in 1933. The Dong-A Ilbo, dated December 31, 1926, delivered the following in an editorial titled "Joyuabu," meaning "there is an Asa in the field." As this paper reported, there were 40 invoices in Gyeonggi Province alone. It is said that 30 of them died in the jurisdiction of Gyeongseongbu, and another died in Taepyeongtong, the center of Gyeongseong. The invoice is of course all Koreans... There is still a long way to go before winter passes this year. From now on, Sohan and Daehan will come, so more than 40 people will laugh at Joseon's cultural politics with bright lights and big streets." At that time, about 80% of Joseon's lakes and population were agricultural-related, but the collapse of farmers became more serious. In terms of the increased number of landlords, self-cultivation farmers, and self-cultivation and tenant farmers, the middle class in charge of the center of agriculture has almost decreased. Meanwhile, the number of landowners who collect only the income from tenant farming by tenant farming all the land and the number of tenant farmers who rent land without owning any land increased. The land of fallen farmers was mainly concentrated in the hands of Japanese landlords. At that time, in Joseon, it was dominant for landlords to collect tenant fees in kind from tenants. Therefore, many of the fallen farmers either lived on narrow land or were forced to abandon their hometowns and travel more to Japan and Manchuria to find jobs. In Joseon, hungry fallen farmers overflowed everywhere, so landlords were able to raise the tenant farming fees or strengthen the tenant farming conditions at will. Due to the deterioration of the tenant farming conditions, the average tenant farming period in the late 1920s reached 70% for only less than one year and 96% for less than five years. The farmers of Joseon, who were in poverty but led their own lives, fell into a much more unstable state than in the past. Kenichi Hisama, who was engaged in agricultural affairs at the Japanese Government-General of Korea, also said, "Agricultural production has increased dramatically." However, at the same time, it succeeded in increasing the number of farmers who did not own land. The increase in the number of farms that did not own land means that on the other hand, there are people who have increased their land much. The irrigation association project has created people who have lost land and, on the other hand, promoted the growth of large landowners who accumulate the land." The Sanmi Proliferation Plan only reorganized and strengthened Joseon's rural society into a distorted social structure centered on landowners. While talking about the mountain rice proliferation plan, it is inevitable to mention the trend of Koreans in Japan. Many of the fallen Koreans visited Japan after the annexation of Gyeongsul. The number of Koreans living in Japan, which was less than 800 before the Gyeongsul merger, exceeded 20,000 in 1918 when the land survey project was completed, and the number increased year by year after the Sanmi Production Plan was implemented, reaching nearly 300,000 in 1930. Osaka is still home to many Koreans in Japan. In 1930, 70,000 people, or about 23% of Koreans in Japan, lived there. The Osaka government conducted a survey of Koreans living in Osaka in 1932. When asked, "Why did you move to Japan?" 55.7 percent answered, "Because of the sluggish agriculture." 17.2% of the respondents said, "Because of the hardships of living," combined, more than 70% of Koreans came to Japan because they could not make ends meet. Intense ethnic discrimination was inflicted on Koreans in Japan. After the "rice disturbance," labor movements and social movements began to develop in Japan, and solidarity with Korean workers in Japan began to rise. However, the Japanese ruler was afraid that Japanese and Korean workers would in some way stand in solidarity with each other. He encouraged hostility between the Japanese and Koreans by instilling the idea of disdain and discrimination against the Korean people in the Japanese by appealing forging all kinds of opportunities. On September 1, 1923, the Great Kanto Earthquake occurred. Millions of people were driven to the streets by earthquakes and fires and casualties. At this time, rumors such as "The Koreans rioted" and "They tried to kill the Japanese by spraying poison into the well." It was a groundless scaremongering. Knowing that the rumor of "Korean riots" was groundless, the Japanese government did not try to calm the rumors by sending troops to strengthen their guard. Rather, the military and police arrested and killed a number of Koreans, encouraging rumors. As a result, ordinary Japanese also formed vigilante groups in various places and slaughtered Koreans indiscriminately and brutally. Although insufficient, the survey data at the time showed that 6,600 Koreans were slaughtered at the time. At that time, the total number of Koreans living in Japan was about 80,000. Among them, 12,000 to 13,000 people lived in Tokyo, where the massacre was concentrated, and about 3,000 people lived in Kanagawa. Considering this, it is possible to guess how massive and harrowing the massacre was at the time. Between 300 and 600 Chinese were also slaughtered. In addition, a total of 10 Japanese socialist activists and workers were arrested by the police and slaughtered by the army, and the anarchists Osgi Sakae and Itonoe were also killed. Not only the government, but also the relatively free media called Daisho Democratic, did not make any fundamental reflection on the incident. "If you speak like this elsewhere, you'll definitely be stopped," said Toyokichi Tabuchi, an independent member of the House of Representatives. I want you to know that Congress is the only place to appeal as a member of the House of Representatives," he said, calling on the government to take responsibility and apologize for the big events that should be grieved humanely. However, Prime Minister Yamamoto Konpei did not respond, saying, "I will answer next time." Looking back at the massacre now, many people may have questioned how such a tragedy could have occurred. However, no one can guarantee that a similar incident will not recur.
There are about 1,500 workers who entered the Kotobuki Police Station in Yokohama. These people can shoot anyone because they participated in the Vietnam War. If a leader shows up and gathers about 1,000 people, it can also cause great military action." This remark is part of a speech made at Waseda University in 1992 by Yoshihiro Mori of the Liberal Democratic Party, who took office as the Prime Minister of Japan and caused controversy such as New Nation remarks. Ishihara Shintaro, the governor of Tokyo, also caused a stir in April 2000 when he said he was a "third country" with a very discriminatory nuance at the Ground Self-Defense Force ceremony. He also openly expressed hostility toward foreigners, including Koreans in Japan, by saying, "We expect the Self-Defense Forces to be dispatched to maintain security in the event of a disaster." We should never let our guard down to this trend. However, civic groups are also forming, not being misled by malicious politicians' remarks as if Koreans in Japan would riot even now. In 1995, the Great Hanshin and Awaji Earthquakes occurred. A month later, poet Kim Si-jong, who lived in the Nagata district of Kobe City, which was hit indescribably, wrote in the February 15th issue of the Asahi Shimbun as follows. 'On the day of the shock of the great earthquake, at the same time, wild concerns flashed through my mind. This is because the very nightmare of the Great Kanto Earthquake was revived. It turned out by that day that it was a useless worry, but this, too, would not have been my own concern. "The concern was a concern," said a correspondent for the Dong-A Ilbo, a leading South Korean newspaper, at the scene of the disaster. Unexpectedly, I had the same idea. What made me feel so relieved? It's clear that it hasn't changed by sitting back. There was a secret sincerity of many people who diligently raised their awareness of human rights.' Today in Japan, it is a question of whether individuals can act with rational judgment. The cooperation between Koreans and Japanese in Japan during the Great Hanshin and Awaji Earthquake presented the model to us. Source: Korea in History by Japanese Educators, published by Hallym University's Asian Culture Research Institute; Yatsuko Nakayama, professor at Nara Prefecture, Japan
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