In a survey conducted by the Chinese government on the excavation of ruins in Hwanren and Jiaan, China, where Goguryeo remains are concentrated, a study that proves that Goguryeo history distorted by China is fictional is drawing attention is drawing attention. In a survey conducted by the Chinese government from 2000 to 2003, it was belatedly revealed that Saturn was not actually found in domestic ruins, contrary to the previous Chinese academia's claim that there was already an earthen fortress used by the Han Dynasty as a local fortress. In addition, various and original sexual relics built earlier than China were discovered in these areas, revealing that China's logic that Goguryeo built castles under the influence of China was fictional. This fact is drawing attention in that it is the first study to clearly refute the history of China's distortion, saying, "Koguryo was a subordinate country influenced by China," while reflecting the results of archaeological excavations conducted by Chinese academia before listing Goguryeo as a World Heritage Site. Under the theme of "Review of Goguryeo Relics Excavation Performance in Hwanin and House Areas," Seo Gil-soo, a professor at Seogyeong University, will present at the Goguryeo Research Society (Chairman Seo Young-soo) Autumn Conference at Dankook University on the 27th. Professor Seo Gil-soo argued, "The Chinese academic community summarized the newly discovered Goguryeo ruins in Hwanron and Jian and closely analyzed the reports Onyeosanseong (Liaoning Province Munmul High School Research Institute), Hwandosanseong Fortress, and Jilin Province Munmul High School Research Institute and Jiahnsi Museum." Professor Seo cited the results of the excavation of domestic fortress walls conducted by the Munmul High School Research Institute in Jilin Province in 2000 as an example. According to the paper, Chinese academia regarded the soil bank found in an excavation survey conducted in 75-77 as Saturn, and eventually claimed that Goguryeo moved the capital to Naeseong Fortress for 339 years and built a stone fortress based on King Go Guk-won (342). Professor Seo pointed out, "The reason why Chinese academia made such an unimaginable logical leap was to make the Saturn before Goguryeo into a Han Dynasty's and use it as an archaeological achievement to prove that Goguryeo was built on the land of the Han Dynasty." In other words, Chinese scholars have dug up evidence that their arguments are wrong. Professor Seo went on to say, "As a result of the overall analysis of the gates excavated from Onyeosanseong Fortress, Naeseongseong Fortress, and Hwandosanseong Fortress, it was found that Ongseong Fortress, which first appeared during the Tang Dynasty, already had various and developed shapes in the early Goguryeo period." Professor Seo argued, "The fact that such original and developed Ongseong Fortresses were put into practical use during Goguryeo is a clear evidence of Goguryeo's identity archaeologically and a direct refutation of Chinese scholars' claims that Goguryeo built castles under the influence of the Jungwon."
2022년 3월 1일 화요일
The Nazi Party jumps into the whole country. Episode 03. The one who runs, the one who flies above.
The Nazi Party, which once seemed to be rising, faced a gradual crisis due to the lack of thought and philosophy, stability of domestic and foreign situations, and the people's neglect. In the midst of that, Hitler was still only looking for a chance to seize attack energy and attack the Republic. Taking advantage of Streze's foreign policy and the explosion of dissatisfaction with the government of the entire nation, Hitler launches large-scale propaganda activities and it imprints the Hakenkreuz flag again in the eyes of people. The Citizens' Right Alliance, which gained power, begins a government attack in the face of Alfred Hugenberg, who has enormous business support, but the new Deutsche National Party, which has no originality, faces a quantitative decline in the boredom of its leader Hugenberg. Hugenberg delivers a message of joining Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party to empower the right-wing movement, where civil weakness is prevalent... The third episode, "The Man Who Runs," led by Hoogenberg, lacked the ability to make the people on their side due to their own weakness and lack of propaganda, so they decided to join Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party, who were known as "very rebellious, cheeky, and disobedient." There were many concerns within the Deutsche National Party, but Hugenberg believed that he could control the noisy and low-key agitators at his disposal with the conceit of his success. This came from the conviction that his financial power and media control would be the biggest bait for Hitler's party. He thought he could simply overpower Hitler when the time came. Traditionally, it has fundamentally disliked cooperation with the Republican gang and the Boring Citizen Class, and concerns have also erupted from the Nazi Party and leftists in the party over whether the alliance should accept cooperation with Hugenberg for funds and propaganda organizations. The concerns of Heinlichloshe, a former member of the party's National Assembly, can be seen as a full representation of this atmosphere of concern for the party. "I can't help but want the leader to know how to deal with Hugenberg." But Hitler wasn't the one to move around according to other people's calculations. Basically, he knew in advance who was the most shaken. Contrary to Hugenberg's intention to bow his head like a beggar when he died, he interviewed Hugenberg in a very confident, cheeky, and arrogant manner. He told Hugenberg, "They must act completely independently, we are not subordinate to you, and how to help you is a matter of our own decision." He refused all the terms of joining the other party and did not hide his contempt and hatred for citizens and capitalists during the talks, eventually succeeding in ensuring full independence. Whether it is consideration for the left side of the party or the intention of scratching Hugenberg's heart, Gregor Stracer, the leader of the left side of the party, has been set as the person in charge of managing subsidies from the National Party. However, the civic party clearly misjudged. For Hitler, the tag that follows was the German people who always laughed and ridiculed the vulgarity, coup drivers, and radical leaders, and most of all, turned away from them who had no more image than clubbed uniform thugs, and most certainly was Hitler's party. But the civic rightists wanted to get the energy they had already lost at the end of the war from Hitler's radicality, and they were comforted by accepting Hitler, but as a result, they did nothing short of carrying a bag of narcotic time bombs. As Hitler, he had enormous funds and power of the powerful media, and above all, he gained the halo of socially respected sponsors who would dispel the dark image of the past and took the opportunity to appeal to the people by imitating a decent politician. As it did in the early 1920s, anyway, Hitler's party started a large-scale propaganda with huge funds and media outlets. Large-scale propaganda, rallies, and speeches that have never been seen before were swirled, and a large number of posters were printed and pasted on the walls of the city. The Nazi Party, which was only known in Munich and Berlin, succeeded in promoting themselves all over the country at once as Nazi remarks and party advertisements were published every day in local and central media managed by the civic right. Not only did none of the civic right parties think of such witty and radical propaganda, but they even fell into the illusion that they were leading the situation with the unique bluff and pride of the social leaders. However, it was the Nazi Party, not the National Party that made its name known. As in Hitler's letter in "Adolf Hitler in Franken", it was, "It is surprising that the tendency to refuse the party with a cheeky, arrogant, or foolish attitude just a few years ago has now changed to hope full of expectations." The alliance with the civic right also played a major role in creating Hitler's extensive relationship with the business community. The content of Hitler's party's code was left-wing and there was no big capitalist supporting Hitler's party after the November coup. Hitler's party's funding was only a small amount of small entrepreneurs and sponsors, except for some donors and party members' party fees, and he openly opposed the Communist Party's position on confiscation of land or management of the donation did not increase. For Hitler's party, funds that were always insufficient to expand the situation began to flow in large quantities with the help of the business community due to the alliance with the right-wing of citizens. In his speech to entrepreneurs, Hitler said that he was a strong advocate of private property and that success was evidence of someone high, and tried hard to impress them as "a person who never does what matters to entrepreneurs." In addition, his relationship with Munich society was restored, becoming a VIP welcomed by people such as bourgeois nobles, where he was able to get a lot of money through connections. Some people printed party pamphlets at their own expense, and those people attended Nazi party events as VIPs, becoming more of a Hitler follower in the thrill of "heart-filled glory." The improved party situation also played a role in beautifully changing the appearance of the Nazi Party, which was generally underdeveloped. Hitler, who purchased the Barlov Palace in Munich, renovated the entire building into the Nazi General Headquarters building, which is the famous brown house (Das Braune Haus). Hitler's own house began to rent a nine-room house on the streets of Princz regentenstrasse, a place like Gangnam in Munich, in line with the party's finances. This appearance clearly worked, and the results were revealed in the 1929 local council election. In Saxony and Mecklenburg, the Nazi Party won more than 5 percent of the votes, and in Prussian local elections, it achieved more remarkable results, making it the mayor of Coburg and Wilhelm Freec the state minister in Thuringen. It was a great achievement that many other places did not know the Nazi Party to support the Nazi Party. With Hitler showing his face again and the end of the campaign against Strezemann's territory, which was the reason why Hugenberg was able to unite the right-wing forces, Hitler achieved his last achievement in a dangerous but effective way. As of the day it ended, Hitler had declared a breakup with Hugenberg, who had helped a lot. Hugenberg regretted hitting the ground, but nothing was impossible for Hitler. Hitler independently secured a source of funding for the business community, the party's financial situation has already improved significantly, and the Hitler effect created by Hugenberg's media outlets has been valid. Also, with Hitler's absence, Hugenberg again showed his lethargy, strongly leaving the impression that Hitler was the only right-wing hope to overpower the republic, and the dissatisfaction of anti-capitalist groups in the party died down. Above all, the impression of such intense behavior by a small party also remained strong, and Hitler's party had already grown beyond control. Lastly, Hitler's mention of that time... "In 2 and a half years or 3 years at most..." Our party will win."
During the militaristic period, the focus was on modernizing Joseon for the purpose of permanent annexation of the Japanese Empire.
The colony of Japanese Imperialism era has been regarded as the dark ages of our history. It was a traditional historical perception that under the unilateral exploitation of Japanese imperialism, the people of colonial Joseon suffered from poverty and despair. Recently, however, some academia have argued that this perception is far from the reality of colonial Joseon. In particular, great economic development has been made, and the soil of modern capitalism implanted at that time has been mentioned as a factor in rapid economic growth since the 1960s. I met Lee Young-hoon (53, professor of economics at Seoul National University), director of the Nakseong University Economic Research Institute, who is at the forefront of this claim. The personal motivation for modifying the image of the _ colony of Japanese Imperialism era. In 1990, a joint study of the Japanese land survey project was initiated. The original data such as land registers were collected across the country. A large amount of raw data remained in Gimhae, Gyeongsangnam-do. When I saw the data, I was surprised by the contents that were so different from the textbook.Unlike the textbook's description of taking away unreported land from ignorant farmers by making them report land, detailed administrative guidance was provided to prevent unreported land from occurring, and guidance and enlightenment were repeated to prevent land fraud. Farmers also actively cooperated with joy when they saw their land being measured and pointed out. As a result, about 0.05% of them remained unreported, centering on tombs and hybrid sites. At that time, we realized that the image of colonial Joseon we had was a fictitious creation." _Then, what is the purpose of the land survey project? If you look closely at the historical records of Japanese colonial rule, you can see that the permanent annexation of Joseon was the purpose of colonial rule. It had an ambitious governance plan to permanently incorporate it into a country with the same system and social foundation as mainland Japan, not exploitation or exploitation. Modern land and property systems were a process for this." _ colony of Japanese Imperialism There's a misunderstanding that it glorifies governance.. It was a wrong plan from the beginning for the Japanese to permanently merge Joseon. Some within Japan argued that it is impossible to assimilate civilized peoples with their own history, and that they should help the Korean Empire become independent on a sound basis of cooperation because it will cost a lot of money. In the process, if we actively dealt with it, there was also an opportunity to avoid colonization. The modernization of Joseon for permanent consolidation had a basic contradiction that it caused national consciousness and resistance." _The economic situation in Joseon before the colony of Japanese Imperialismization. There are modern statistical data after 1910, but there is no direct data before that. However, an alternative outline can be drawn through data on tenant farming per Magigi and indirect data showing an increase in rice prices. As a big trend, per capita income gradually fell through the 18th century and then declined sharply in the late 19th century. Starting in 1750, the number of markets, population, and rice productivity in rural areas fell at once, and rice prices rose and real wages fell, indicating a strong trend in the economic downturn." _Economic changes after the forced merger of Japanese imperialism. The Joseon economy of the recession is on an upward curve around 1900. Capital inflows from Japan, settlement of modern market systems, reorganization of ownership systems, modern corporate systems and commercial laws, and development of trusts, telecommunications, and transportation that guarantee transaction safety are clear. Throughout the colonial era, a total of $8 billion in capital flowed in, and the creation of farms and factories by the Japanese increased GDP at the Korean Peninsula level, and GDP per capita and consumption of household goods increased significantly. In the 1920s and 30s, GDP rose by an average of 4% per year." _Did the standard of living of the colonial people increase? "That's right. Above all, the population has increased. The population declined throughout the 19th century and then turned to an increase in the 20th century. Population is also related to hygiene and infectious diseases, so it is not direct economic data, but it is data that allow estimation of the economic situation at the time. During the colonial period, the population of the Korean Peninsula increased from 17 million before that to 30 million (excluding 3 million overseas migration). That's how much economic power has grown." _What is the meaning of an average annual growth of 4% in the global economy at the time? The 1920s was a period of stagnation in the global economy. At that time, few countries, no matter how good the economy was, continued to grow more than 3% a year. The economic development of colonial Joseon was the result of common growth in the Japanese economic zone, including the Korean Peninsula, Manchuria, and Taiwan." _Was there a special growth factor in Japanese capitalism? "It's an active capital export. Since Japan created a colonial currency that can be exchanged one-on-one with its own currency, that is, a yen currency that makes the yen common, it was able to inject large amounts of capital into Taiwan, Joseon, and Manchuria without burden of paying dollars or gold. Due to mass investment and regional development, industrial products such as Joseon's Meriyasu and shoes were exported to Manchuria, which intensified market and division of labor in the Japanese economy. Britain and others did not export factories, capital goods, or intermediate goods to colonies to create industries. Western imperialism was basically a raw material exploitation type. Unlike Japan, permanent merger was not the purpose, so it was natural. India has made commercial investments that can leave at any time, managed by the UK. That is the original form of imperialism. The relationship between Japan and colonial Joseon is difficult to understand in such a framework. It was geographically adjacent, ethnically similar, and culturally quite similar, so I tried to make it a large Japan." _Was such a Japanese policy our luck as a result? A huge heavy and chemical industry was built in North Korea between 1941 and 1945, and its direct beneficiary was North Korea. Much of it was destroyed during the Korean War, but it is difficult to make it at first and not so difficult to recover. However, North Korea fell into a hunger swamp as a result of liquidating the market economy system. On the other hand, the Korean economy, which preserved and developed the capitalist market order established by Japan, has grown significantly.Therefore, it is questionable how helpful the physical heritage left by the Japanese imperialism has been since the 50s. However, the choice of actively participating in the global capitalist system, which was rebuilt under the leadership of the United States without Korea beating it down after liberation, shines." -Isn't it common belief that colony of Japanese Imperialism rule distorted the possibility of independent capitalist development? "We are not fully aware of the history of the 18th and 19th centuries. According to estimates, the per capita national income of colonial Joseon in 1910 was around $40 (1937 price). There were no industrial facilities, and it was a very poor situation. The capital accumulation rate was low, and 80-90% of the population was an agricultural society engaged in agriculture, but it has been experiencing a long-term slump since the 18th century. It was a society dominated by a kind of moral value or justification, and labor discipline or willingness to work did not develop. So, as the economy stagnated in the long run, there was a serious crisis that would dismantle itself." _Is the crisis of dissolution referring to civil unrest? "It's a phenomenon. When society loses its self-integration power, riots arise when the people no longer recognize the morality of the ruling class. From around 1840 in the 19th century, civil wars broke out everywhere, and farmers staged collective rebellion for about 50 years. The ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty, that is, the royal family or bureaucrats, was no longer able to exercise sound integration power, and lacked advanced ideology to lead society in a sound direction.It reached a common occlusion in a closed society. In fact, in the early colonial period, our intellectuals looked back on the 19th century and said that they were ashamed of their history, but since liberation, they have described history brightly and progressively, pushing all such perceptions as identity. However, you cannot learn from history by turning a blind eye to the true appearance of history."
The relationship between Goguryeo and the north latitude.
1. The fall of Bukyeon, Goguryeo, which established a relief order centered on the Korean Peninsula and Manchuria, and became its central country, adds strength to its relationship with the Northern Dynasties of the North-South Dynasties. Bukyeon, which became the subordinate country of Goguryeo during the reign of King Gwanggaeto, was a buffer zone with the Northern Dynasties. However, Bukyeon was attacked by the northern part of the country that unified North China in 436 and reached the point of collapse. As the northern forces spread beyond the Great Wall of China, Goguryeo decided that Bukyeon no longer had any meaning as a buffer state, leading to a complete reception of Bukyeon. Bukyeon asks Goguryeo for help when it is attacked by the North. Accordingly, Goguryeo sends General Gallo and Maenggwang to greet King Bukyeon at Hwaryong (Joyang region), the capital of Bukyeon, with 20,000 soldiers. In addition, Goguryeo troops take soldiers from Bukyeon and enter the castle, take out the soldiers from the armory, give them to Bukyeon soldiers, and empty the castle. In addition, all the people of Bukyeon were moved to the east, and even the palace was burned. In this operation to move the people of Bukyeon to Goguryeo, Goguryeo troops marched on the left and right sides, and Go Pil, the commander of the Northern Guard, who was watching it, was afraid and did not dare to step forward. At this time, Bukyeon completely surrendered to Goguryeo. Numerous people also moved to Goguryeo under the escort of Goguryeo soldiers. It was not forcibly occupied by Goguryeo forces, but was done at the request of the North. Bukyeon, as a subordinate country of Goguryeo, requested relief from its home country. The reason why the Northern Guard, which was trying to take over the northern part of the country, could not attack Goguryeo's acceptance of the northern part of the country was because it was afraid of Goguryeo's power. Bukyeon was able to attack because it was a small country, but he did not dare to face Goguryeo head-on. Even from this incident, it is confirmed that Goguryeo turned Bukyeon into a subordinate country and made it a buffer zone with northern countries.
2. The truth of tributes This strengthens the relationship between Goguryeo and Song to the north and further presses the north by strengthening the relationship between the north and the south. However, regarding the relationship between Goguryeo and the north latitude at that time, it is recorded in <Samguksagi> that Goguryeo donated countless times to the north latitude. The term "jogong" means an example of a kind of king and servant performed by the emperor to Heaven within the longitudinal feudal system of Seoju (770-250 BC). In addition, the term "((" was devised to strengthen mutual friendship and solidarity between descendants, and it is derived from the example of mutual relationship located below, saying that large ones are supported and small ones are small. Contributes and garrison have been expanded into an international order between various ancient East Asian countries, and it has been summarized as China's orthodox state becomes the center, offering tributes to neighboring countries, and China's correspondingly giving Chaekbong and gifts. The relationship between tribute and bookkeeping was an external expression of Chinese civilization. It was believed that the world governed by Heaven was China, and Heaven should exercise the same control over the world outside China. Only then will the mission of heaven be achieved to rule the whole world on behalf of heaven. In addition, the people of China were chosen people under the direct rule of heaven, so they believed that there was an essential difference from barbarians (people who escaped from the benefits of civilization) who were not even ruled by heaven. In other words, the realization of the relationship between tribute and bookkeeping was a logic to realize their worldview in the outside world. There is also a positive aspect of the tribute relationship. The tribute relationship gave the weak countries an opportunity to ensure their own safety and further accommodate and develop a higher culture. In addition, tribute relations have brought about many exchanges of goods, and it has the effect of expanding a country's range of actions in more diverse international relations. In addition, it is not much of a relationship that neighboring countries have donated due to direct or indirect pressure from the central country. In some cases, tributes were made to find their own status in a larger international order as their power grew. In this case, the status of the tributes may be determined by the grade of the volunteer work given by the central country to the tributes. The tribute relationship was only a relationship that gained justification from each other in diplomatic and commercial relations between various countries. Therefore, when you want to give up your justification and get practical benefits, the problem of justification may not be so important. However, China, which prides itself on being the central country in tribute relations, valued justification more than practicality. Therefore, in their history books, diplomatic relations were often packaged differently from the facts based on the theory of justification. When Chinese civilization had a strong power, a relationship between tributes and bookkeeping could be achieved. However, when the Chinese civilization weakened, the relationship between tributes and bookkeeping did not take place, and rather, China donated to the outside world. A typical example was the relationship with the Hunno in the early Han Dynasty, and so was the relationship between pine trees and yos and pine trees. The relationship between the north and Goguryeo is also believed to have been a tribute to Goguryeo. In other words, the practical realization of the relationship between tributes and bookkeeping depends on the strength and weakness of power. There are so many records of Goguryeo's tribute in <Samguksagi>, which was only created because articles based on the Chinese justification theory were cited in <Samguksagi>. In the case of Goguryeo, they would have no choice but to give tribute to them until the king's mother, Joo, returned after giving in to the Moyong scholar, a period when the power of the enemy was strong. However, in the state that Goguryeo became stronger, the tribute relationship was reversed, and the tribute relationship was realized through the external expression of Goguryeo civilization. Goguryeo became the central country where tributes were received, and the countries that offered tributes were given bookkeeping or gifts. These include sending envoys to celebrate Goguryeo's becoming the king of Bukyeon and giving clothes to King Silla as gifts. After King Gwanggaeto the Great, this situation emerged remarkably, which is an expression of the international order formed around Goguryeo. Goguryeo also conquered Dongbuyeo, Suksin, and Baekje for not offering tribute. When it comes to tributes, we have not always been tributes. This is because history has always changed. There were many differences in justification and practice from time to time due to the strength and weakness of power. The relationship with the north latitude was also influenced by power and real politics.
3. At the time of the northern treatment of Goguryeo, the northern part of the country had accommodations where envoys from each country stayed, and Goguryeo was said to be the second after the envoy of Namje. However, in <Namjeseo>, in the 77th year of King Jangsu (489), Namje's envoy went to the north and placed Namje's envoy in the same place as Goguryeo's envoy, indicating that Goguryeo was actually treated as the No. 1 neighboring country in the north. The only thing the Northern Wei treated Namje was the gate of competition that inherited the legitimacy of Chinese civilization. Considering the Namje people's position to raise themselves, the Northern Wei actually favors Goguryeo the highest. The northern part was bordered by the hostile Namje, Yuyeon, the northern powerhouse, and various Western countries, but among them, Goguryeo was the most feared. The title given to King Jangsu by the Northern Wi was "General Cha Dae-gi Tae-bu~King Goguryo", which was the title of the highest general (Jeong 1 Poomha) given to other countries by the Northern Wi, and Tae-bu was the highest official. This is the most unconventional act given by the North to neighboring countries, meaning that Goguryeo was specially treated. In <Wiseo>, it is said that King Sejong of the North, who welcomed the envoy Yesilbul of Goguryeo, said, "Goguryo has been conquering all orangkas by freely controlling overseas under the title of Sangsang for generations." At that time, Goguryeo was the strongest country to conquer all neighboring countries in the Eastern region, and the North acknowledged that the world centered on Goguryeo was developing. 4. What was the actual relationship between Goguryeo and the north? Then, what was the actual relationship between the north and Goguryeo? In the 23rd year of King Jangsu (435), Goguryeo sent envoys to the north and demanded that the genealogy of the kings of the north be dedicated. The 23rd year of King Jangsu's reign was a year before the Northern Wei destroyed Bukyeon. At that time, there was a lot of controversy in the north latitude, but in the end, they dedicated their genealogy and name to Goguryeo through envoys. Writing down the genealogy and name of the kings of all time is an act that the subordinate country does only to the king's country. An example was performed by the Northern Wei against Goguryeo. Lee Oh, who came as an envoy at the time, said that Goguryeo had three times more population than during the Three Kingdoms Period and that the palace was very colorful. It was the death of King Jangsu that more clearly showed that the Northern Wei had the courtesy of his subjects for Goguryeo. When King Jangsu died in 491, Gojo of the north latitude (471-499) wore so-called Mora's white hat and clothes made of cloth worn during the funeral of Four Sim and went out to the eastern suburbs to express mourning, and sent envoys and all kinds of things to Goguryeo. In addition, when King Munjawang died in 519, Yeong Tae-hoo, the wife of King Sejong and mother of King Sukjong, expressed condolences at the eastern shrine in sorrow and sent condolences to Goguryeo. In addition, in 508, King Sejong of the Northern Wei built a shrine called Goryeomyo Shrine, where Goguryeo's founder was held in Cheongju-Shandongseong Fortress. When King Muyeol of Silla died, Danggojo held a mourning ceremony. However, even the shrine was built, and the king did not do it himself. It seems that no country in China has ever built a shrine where the king directly hosts a mourning ceremony and sacrifices the founder of the country in mourning because the king of another country died. Likewise, Goguryeo has never worn mourning clothes by the king himself, no matter what emperor of China died. It is necessary to actively review the meaning of the fact that the Northern Wei, which was powerful in the era of the Northern and Southern Dynasties, provided Goguryeo with such examples of subjects. If you dig deeper into the internal circumstances of the northern part of the country and Goguryeo's national power at that time, you can understand the northern part's behavior toward Goguryeo. At that time, the border between Goguryeo and the north seems to have crossed today's Great Wall, albeit temporarily. Song Eun, who was in hostile relations with the north, called King Jangsu King Goguryeo, the ruler of Yeong and Pyeongiju. In <Songseo>, this title is shown in the 12th year of King Jangsu (424) and 51st year (463). It means that during the Song Dynasty (420-479), Goguryeo was continuously expanding its power in Yeongju and Pyeongju. During the Northern Wei period, Yeongju is an area centered on the cultivation of the Daerungha basin, and Pyeongju is an area ranging from the downstream of the orchid and Beijing centered on Changryo and Biyeohyeon south of the Great Wall. Song believes that Goguryeo dominated this area. Goguryeo, which confronted the north latitude at the time of the collapse of the north latitude, may have decided the border with the north latitude south of the Great Wall of China. In other words, there is a possibility that it may be Goguryeo's territory to the vicinity of Beijing today. In <Yangseo> and <Goguryojeon>, Goguryeo continued to have control over the Pyeongju area from the days of King Gwanggaeto to King Anjang (519-531). Of course, since the countries that gave the Goguryeo king the title of ruler of Pyeongju were the Southern Dynasty countries that were hostile to the North at the time, it is unreasonable to prepare for the actual situation because Goguryeo knew its ambition to occupy the Pyeongju area. However, Goguryeo has no connection to the Pyeongju area, so there will be no reason for these countries to use such names. At that time, Goguryeo had enough national power to advance to this area.
Cesarean Ungi describes Korea's history from Dangun and shows independence in identifying it on par with Chinese history.
Even in the late Goryeo Dynasty, historical research and writing activities were actively conducted. In particular, after the Musin Coup, there was a movement that there should be a correct understanding of traditional culture based on national independence consciousness. This is shown in the Haedong Goseungjeon Hall of Gakhun, the Dongmyeongwangjeon Hall of Lee Gyu-bo, the Samguk Yusa of Ilyeon, and the King Seung-hyu Lee also described the history of Korea from Dangun, showing independence in grasping our history equally with Chinese history. - National Preceptor (Sang), page 148, "What are you going to do with a prosperous country like the year and moon of Won and the moon?" The high and wide of the successful virtue is so early that it was submerged in Yeosu and brought up the Yuan Dynasty to sing many people. The virtues like our king are widely crazy and offer gifts from various countries outside the sea. It is the first time in a country like this since it was perfect, as all the wide heaven and earth in China are bare and the land is crowded with people. Since there is a separate heaven and earth in Jiri-dong, it is divided into Jungjo and Duyeon, surrounds three sides of large waves, and is a continent in the north, so this is Joseon, the middle border. The Hyeongseung of Gangsan Mountain is named in the world, and it is called Sojanghwa because it is named by Hwain, a house of courtesy in the village of Gyeongjeonchakjeong. Since he is a journalist who started the late Joseon Dynasty, he fled to Kim Myo-chun, the first year of King Mu's reign, and established a country on his own. King Mu sends a string from afar, so when he visits to pay back as an example, he asks about the human race of the owner of Hong Beom- King Jun, who becomes the 41st grandson, lost his country and even lost his people. After a long new month of 928 years, the reporter passed away. King Jun, who lost his country, moved to Geumma-gun and became a king again after forming a capital. In the 21st year of Goje's reign, Wiman, the general of the Han Dynasty, was born in the Dynasty and chased Jun and took it away in the fifth year of the disease. The grandchildren were torn down, and Han Mu-je sent soldiers to subjugate them in the 3rd year of Wonbong's reign. It is the payment of the crime of betraying and chasing the country in 88 in the third generation of supporting the country. Rather proud of being called precious flower by the Chinese, praising the circle that has repeatedly invaded Goryeo for decades, and because of the reporter's Dongnae, Joseon's land has become a polite land, counterfeiting King Jun as the 41st generation of reporters, and dismissing Wi Man-jo as a lover. He is only a great Mohwasaist who was proud of being called precious flower by Lee Seung-hyu, the author of the caesarean, or his own. (The same goes for "Three Kingdoms" too. The reason why it came to evaluate Cesarean Ungi as a book "representing independence" is that this book is the oldest document to record Dangun mythology along with Samguk Yusa, so it was served back and forth and to break its nose. It is the evils of Korean-style nationalism that only Dangun and Gojoseon come out, they do, serve, and watch unconditionally. There is no consideration of the background of the Dangun myth in the history textbook of the kingdom and the Three Kingdoms.
The cause of "The Fall of Joseon" is amateur politicians.
The reason for the "destruction of Joseon" is that amateur politicians seek only the king, ruling class, and personal interests at the end of their lives... The international situation is dark, so the "random" outlook induces "anti-elite" hostility among the non-working aristocrats. With the "tragedy" of loss of national power, 19th-century British people were convinced that they had reached the top of the world. Industrial capitalism, which began in the UK, was spreading by connecting the world to a network of goods and finance, and parliamentary democracy, their highest pride, was a political system envied by the world's public. Railroads and submarine telegraphs created by British science and technology have helped Britain build a great empire covering a quarter of the Earth's surface by integrating the world into a single transportation network and communication network. The British, who pride themselves on being the greatest people in human history, not only judged others based on their values such as diligence, self-help, and keeping dignity, but also tried to create the world according to their image through the mission of civilization. In his recently published book, "Twisted Modern," I analyzed comparatively how Britain evaluated Korea and Japan at the end of the 19th century. The reason why the adjective "distorted" was used in the title of academic books was to critically analyze Western modern civilization, which was once regarded as the light that mankind should aim for. The Western modernity was clearly a "distorted" modernity in the sense that it created a distorted world by diagnosing the world with dichotomous standards of self, other people, civilization and barbarism, reason and non-reason, and disparaging the other as inferior peripheral beings. Furthermore, our modernity was also a distorted modernity in the sense that it was embodied in a more distorted form by re-transplanting the distorted Japanese modernity in the process of transplantation from the West. However, even if our reflection in the mirrors of the British is expressed in a crooked form, their points contain cold truth, although they do not want to admit it. The British found distinct contrasting attributes in Korea and Japan. If Japan was the rising "country of the sun," Korea was the "country of the calm morning." However, the image of the 'Silent Morning Country' that we have believed to be compliments without speed was actually identity and decline. Koreans were dirty, rude, and lazy while being polite, clean, and diligent Japanese. However, what was most shocking to the British was the contrast between the strong patriotism of the Japanese, the indifference of Koreans to the country, and Japan, which is effectively ruled, and Korea, groaning with corruption and exploitation. Just looking at these two things, the reason why Japan succeeded in modernization and why we failed seem to be roughly revealed. Compared to the sacrifices of the Japanese leadership, the first thing I realize when looking at Korea and Japan comparatively at the end of the 19th century is the fact that we have neglected to investigate our responsibilities. We have been devoted to blaming others for the tragedy of our history, which leads to loss of national power, colonization, division and war, as geopolitical factors and cold war systems. The reason why we did not consider our responsibility is, of course, because of the existence of a very certain criminal called Japan. In addition, in the name of getting out of the so-called colonial view imposed by Japan, our academic community has not only covered up our faults but has been in a hurry to glorify them. Now, we need the wisdom to actively investigate our responsibilities and make the past a living stone. First of all, let's hear where the British found responsibility for the Korean national network. "It is undeniable that Korea's loss of independence today is largely attributable to the corruption and vulnerability of the old dynasty," said Frederick Mackenzie, the most sympathetic and most critical British journalist of Japanese colonial rule. As he judged, the responsibility for the loss of national power was primarily on the hypocrites, that is, the king and the power surrounding him. King Gojong, who had been in power for 40 years during an emergency period when the country's survival was at stake, produced the inability to miss all the opportunities for Joseon to achieve modernization. He tried to promote flowering in his own way, but when the road conflicted with his own interests, he turned to advocacy of his own interests. As a result, the history of the rebound was followed by the dissolution of the Independence Association, which advocated the constitutional monarchy, and strengthening the absolute kingship. By 1904, the British had concluded that Korea had already missed the opportunity. The hypocrites surrounding the king also did not think from the perspective of national interest. According to the observation of the British, the Korean king and ruling class pursued only personal interests without a public spirit, which was clearly compared to the devoted sacrifices of Japanese leaders. It was the British's judgment that the only principle that moves the Korean ruling elite was the "glory of individuals or families." Personal accumulation was also found in trusted politicians like Min Young-hwan, and Jeon Bong-jun, who led the Donghak Peasant Revolution, also pointed out him as the most representative detective duck. It is shocking to us that Min Young-hwan, who only knew him as a patriot who devoted his life to the Japanese invasion, was pointed out as the culprit of corruption. The situation in which the elite is lacking in public spirit is the same in China, so Yanggyecho attributed it to existing Chinese morality. In other words, Chinese ethics is not focused on the concept of moral virtue that individuals have toward the state or society, but only on the concept of virtue. However, our history is too sad to be exempted from their responsibility because Joseon's hypocrites also belonged to the Chinese culture. Embarrassed "Yangban" The responsibility for the national crisis in the late 19th and early 20th centuries is found in aristocrats, who are social elites, beyond minority politicians. Did intellectuals or aristocrats in a broad sense suggest alternatives to overcome the national crisis? Not to mention the water poloists who insisted on the above political history, but also the East Westernists and the enlightenmentists revealed their limitations in that they remained in a dark and limited outlook on the international situation, and that they were lacking public spirit. Let's listen to the British observation again. According to Isabella Bishop's judgment, who visited Korea several times as a prominent female explorer, aristocrats were people who thought it was not dishonorable for their wives to live on "money earned from hiding and sewing or washing." For Bishop, who believes that it is the worst curse for a healthy person to rely on others, not his or her own labor and effort, the existence of the aristocrats was a sign of Korea's aesthetics. I think this property of yangban is the origin of hostility toward elites prevalent in our society today. Our elites who tried to reign without carrying out their responsibilities. The current demand for equalization, such as the closing theory of Seoul National University, may be an expression of antipathy to elites who have not been able to practice "noblesse oblige" since the Joseon Dynasty. It is impossible that there is an argument in the UK to eliminate elites. The antipathy to the status elite of aristocrats is found in minority radicalists, but it is impossible to imagine hostility to intellectual and cultural elites. This is because no one can deny the contributions of intellectuals such as Locke, Bentham, and John Stuart Mill. It was our tragedy not to have such intellectuals. Intellectual and cultural equalization is a shortcut to the collapse of the country, but the situation in which such demands are raised is also understandable. If more "Seo Jae-pil" is needed, what role should intellectuals in the 21st century play? If our intellectuals learned the world 100 years ago through "Fukuzawa Yugichi" and "Yanggyecho," we now have to produce intellectuals and elites who can sense and predict the future of the world before anyone else. We had exceptions, too. Those like Seo Jae-pil saw through the international situation and saw through the fact that the way for weak countries like Korea to survive among the pillars of the imperialist powers is to make good use of the power relationship of the powers. Seo Jae-pil was different from other intellectuals who had no choice but to accept civilization uncritically and ultimately accept imperialism. And it was his American experience that provided Seo Jae-pil with such an eye. We needed and still need more 'Seo Jae-pil'. It is necessary to have an intellectual perspective to get away from the peninsula's position and have a macroscopic view of the situation. In order to do so, it is necessary not to standardize, but rather to create intellectuals who are superior to intellectuals in any country or society through the best elite education. Producing true elites with the entire society in mind, not the honor of individuals and families like hypocrites and aristocrats at the end of the 19th century, is the most necessary task now. What comes as a second surprise in the observation of British people in the late 19th century after not being found in Korea is the fact that they have not discovered the passionate patriotism found in Japanese people in Koreans. This is an amazing observation in the light of the fierce patriotism shown by the Korean people today, proving that nationalism is neither natural nor inevitable. Nationalism was formed by a reaction to colonialism, not a phenomenon that existed independently. Nationalism became an overwhelming ideology on the Korean Peninsula in the 20th century by winning against orientalism, pan-Asianism, and socialism. In the case of Japan, people and nationalism were born amid the meticulous planning of Meiji leaders. Then, is nationalism still a desirable ideology? When the goal to be aimed at was an independent national state, nationalism was the strongest ideology to mobilize the public, and for that reason, it was able to occupy an overwhelming position. However, the limitations of nationalism are also clear. It becomes clear that national identity is not a concept encompassing the entire nation when considering the beings that have been secondaryized and marginalized in the name of ethnicity and class in our modern and contemporary history, such as the lower class and women. In addition, nationalism is a clear ideology that sets and distinguishes me from others. All ethnic groups in the world have faith in their "scheduled fate" and "myths of glory and salvation." The problem is that when all ethnic groups have consistent beliefs, each ethnic group has no choice but to crush the myths of other ethnic groups to prove that they are the only truth. Therefore, nationalism is inherently and inherently bound to contain destruction.
Many people are also receiving a kind of comfort from their image as the "saddest and most miserable nation" in the world. They are armed with inner and mental innocence and nobility to compensate for their external weakness, and are obsessed with the myth that "the one who suffers the most eventually wins." However, if one country's history is exceptional, many other countries have experienced an exceptionally tragic and disastrous history. We should now be able to abandon this narrow sense of history and look at our own history from an objective and broad perspective. We need creative criticism, not blind affection. It is also obvious that if the society aimed at in the 21st century is a society of pluralistic identity, the exclusive nationalist ideology is no longer a strength. There was no nationalism on its own. The reason why our modernity has become a 'distorted modernity' is that the acceptance of modernity has been achieved through a filter called Japan. Therefore, the discussion of modernity in Korea cannot be considered except for colonialism. There was once a heated debate between the theory of colonial exploitation and the theory of colonial modernization. The theory of colonial exploitation basically argues that Korean society in the late Joseon Dynasty had promoted intrinsic development, but independent modernity was frustrated by the imperialist forces as it was incorporated into the world system and colonized. The error in this argument lies in the fact that the inherent development they assume means capitalist development. It is true that Joseon society achieved internal growth, but it was not capitalist development. On the other hand, colonial modernization theory recognizes that Japan's intention was imperial exploitation and exploitation, but it is to admit that our modernity began in the colonial era and its effect is on today. It is worth remembering that scholars branded as so-called "colonial modernists" do not argue that our modernization was possible only by the Japanese power. Their position is basically that although hardware was provided by Japan, our capabilities were indispensable to modernization, and that was the fundamental factor that made us achieve what we have achieved now, unlike many other peoples who have experienced colonialism. The existence of controversy over exploitation and modernization itself reflects the atmosphere of our society that dichotomically identifies colonialism and anti-colonialism and denies the wide range of gray areas existing between the two axes. We will now have to get away from this dichotomy and look into the complex and interlayered structure of Korean modernity and colonialism. Modernization, which began under Japanese colonial rule, had a positive effect and a negative effect. Modern institutions such as the establishment of land private rights, reform of tax systems, demographic surveys, establishment of modern legal systems, and establishment of relations between the state and the people were established at this time, but traditional rights and interests taken in the process were also clear. The important fact is that modernization was initiated by the Japanese imperialism, but that fact did not automatically make Koreans simple passive audiences. Regardless of the Japanese intention, Koreans actively accepted modernity, made it mine, and were active actors who participated in its formation. On that basis, modernization after the 1960s was also possible. Only when you acknowledge the interlayered and pluralistic structure and effect of colonial modernity will you understand that history is a complex process of resistance and negotiation, imitation and challenge, change and re-creation. As recently discussed in this paper, it would be meaningful to find implications for the 21st century in the late 19th century. Of course, it is not the same in many ways 100 years ago and today. At the end of the 19th century, modernity reached its peak. Today, however, we are surrounded by postmodern discourses. Just as modernity is not necessarily desirable, it is clear that postmodernity is also not necessarily a space for freedom and liberation. However, one advantage of postmodernity is that it gets us out of dichotomous rigid thinking. There are also concerns that it ends with relativism and confusion, but it is also true that open and pluralistic thinking is possible. If so, it would be desirable to supplement it with postmodernity while maintaining the positive side of modernity. In the face of the dangerous 'downward equalization' argument, we saw that the biggest responsibility for the loss of national sovereignty 100 years ago lies with the hypocrites. At this critical and critical moment as at the end of the 19th century, the experiments of amateur politicians in our society could pose the same serious danger. All the people should watch with their eyes wide open so that their trial and error do not lead to loss of national power in a different sense. It is also dangerous to argue that the elite should be removed and downgraded based on the past elite's mistakes. Above all, it is not necessary to confuse the upper class of economic and social with intellectual and cultural elites. Elites and the public must create and maintain a social system that recognizes and complements each other. A unified national opinion cannot emerge in a society that despises, excludes, and otherizes each other. At the end of the 19th century, British diplomats were disappointed by the Korean government's incompetence, factional strife, and public indifference, and concluded that Koreans were unable to reform themselves and should be left to Japan. It is time to gather wisdom from all of us so that the same mistakes do not repeat.
In fact, the colonial rule by Japan at the end of the Joseon Dynasty was largely due to King Gojong and Lee Wan-yong's sale to the country.
China's Northeast Process is trying to occupy North Korean land.
"The North-East process will take over North Korean land." "Chinese political scientist Professor Liang Chen's remarks."The article that China's distortion of Goguryeo history is a preparatory procedure to occupy North Korean land after reunification of the Korean Peninsula is causing a great sensation on the Internet. The article, believed to have been posted from an Internet cafe at a university in Seoul, is known to have been posted on the Internet based on what a netizen reported while studying abroad at Beijing University in China last year. However, so far, it has not been known exactly whether a professor named Liang Chen actually exists at Beijing University and the original source of this article. The author of this article states in his article that renowned Chinese political scientist Liang Chen said in the subject of Modern Political History in Northeast Asia, "The incorporation of Manchuria history is a political act in preparation for the reunification of the Korean Peninsula." Professor Chen also said, "North Korea will not last more than 10 years, and it is almost certain that a military coup will take place by military leaders, most of whom are pro-Chinese," and explained, "No matter who the rebels are, they have no choice but to rely on China's military power to maintain power." Professor Chen then introduced, "The Chinese government is seriously considering the possibility of turning the North Korean region into China's local government while acknowledging the revolutionary regime and providing military support in this situation (cudetta)." Professor Chen said, "However, territorial disputes with South Korea are inevitable, but the historical identity of the two Koreas is too great to expect international public opinion on territorial disputes, and if they are referred to an international trial, China will lose." Professor Chen also said, "To win the territorial dispute, the factual possession of territory, the historical possession of territory, the continuation and justification of territorial possession must be proven," adding, "China is trying to incorporate Korean-Chinese countries established in Manchuria into its history because it has never occupied North Korea historically." Introducing Professor Chen's last word, "If you pay attention and work hard, Chinese land will be wider just above South Korea in 30 years," the netizen said, "I thought Professor Chen was crazy at the time, but I can't doubt what he said at that time he said." Meanwhile, the U.S. weekly magazine Time also reported in its latest issue on the 17th that China's distortion of Goguryeo history is aimed at preventing possible separation movements in northeastern China after reunification of the Korean Peninsula. Time said in an article that China is interested in Goguryeo because of nearly 2 million Korean-Chinese living in the northeastern part of China, which used to be Goguryeo territory in the past, adding, "China is concerned about the possibility that Korean-Chinese will demand part of Korea if they try to separate it from China."
Last year, before China's distortion of Goguryeo's history drew attention from the domestic media, I took a course called <Northeast Asian Modern Political History> by Professor Liang Chen. Although it was a bachelor's course, I became interested in China's Manchuria history view, which was completely different from Korea when I was studying abroad, and Beijing University was actually the center of China's political history and the most conservative and absolutely influenced the direction of central government's academic support. Liang Qin is a renowned political advisor to the government, and has a master's degree in history and is currently leading the distortion of Goguryeo history in Chinese academia. At that time, the number of students enrolled in the subject was about 30, but Koreans were alone. Maybe in the middle of the semester? While dealing with the Japanese colonial government's construction of Manchuria, there was a talk about the difference in perspective between the Korean and Chinese governments on Manchuria. Professor Liang Chen talked about the difference in the view of Manchuria history between South Korea and China at the time and said, "This is a matter of the future, not the past, and it is a matter of North Korea, not Manchuria." And told a very shocking story. Perhaps he didn't think that I, a Korean, was taking the course. In fact, no matter what country there was in Manchuria in the past, it is indisputable that Manchuria is currently China's territory. As China, it can be said that there is no practical benefit in incorporating the history of Manchuria into its own history, and the massive re-regulation of the Manchurian History Museum currently seen in Chinese academia was caused by the government's intervention in consideration of the future sovereignty of North Korean territory. Liang Qin said North Korea will not last more than 10 years at the longest, and it seems almost certain that a coup within the military will take place. In addition, regardless of who is at the center of the coup except for the current Kim Jong-il line, the rebel leaders have no choice but to rely on China's military power to maintain a navigational independent regime against South Korea's military movements. In this situation, the Chinese government is seriously considering the possibility of military federalization of the North with northern autonomous provinces and localization of the North in the long run. At this time, the most burdensome thing for the Chinese government is the territorial dispute with South Korea. In the event of a situation, territorial disputes with South Korea are almost inevitable, and the historical identity between North Korea and South Korea is too great to expect international public opinion on territorial disputes, and China will almost certainly lose if referred to an international trial. Therefore, the Chinese government is planning a long-term strategy that will lead to possible factual military control over North Korea to victory in international trials in the future. In order to recognize territory in international trials, the state claiming to be territory must prove the following three things. 1. Realistic possession of territory 2. Historical possession of territory 3. Continuity and legitimacy of territorial occupation 1. After the coup, China's factual possession of North Korea can be satisfied through military aid and military federalization. In addition, if the federal government is physically maintained for about 30 years before the International Court, the factual occupation of the territory is established as a requirement that can be recognized under international law. In the case of No. 3, justification can be satisfied by taking over North Korean territory through the North Korean revolutionary government. What is problematic is the historical occupation of territory 2 and the continuity of territorial occupation of territory 3. China has never occupied the North Korean region historically, and therefore, of course, cannot claim the continuity of territorial occupation. Then, how can China claim that North Korea is its territory? Yes. By incorporating Korean-Chinese countries established in Manchuria into their own history, it satisfies the historical occupation of the territory and even meets the continuous occupation by linking it to de facto occupation. Liang Chen said the central government is currently providing support to academia with such a long-term perspective. And he said, "Manju history is not a matter of past facts, but of future interests. You don't have to approach it academically, and you shouldn't be involved in logical discussions with Korea. Keep in mind that this is a matter of politics and that you are learning politics." Professor Chen's last word cannot be forgotten. If you are interested and work hard, the land of China will be wider just above South Korea in 30 years. At that time, I thought Professor Chen was crazy, but looking at the current movement of Chinese academia, I can't doubt what he said then was true. It is really disturbing to watch the news these days as to why such stories are not covered in the domestic media, whether I accidentally listened to Chinese state secrets under a government academic advisor, a professor.